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Hakluytus Posthumus 


Purchas His Pilgrimes 

In Twenty Volumes 

Volume II 












Hakluytus Posthumus 


Purchas His Pilgrimes 

Contayning a History of the World 

in Sea Voyages and Lande Travells 

by Englishmen and others 



James MacLehose and Sons 

Publishers to the University 






The Contents of the Chapters and Paragraphs in 
the second Booke of the First part of 
Purchas his Pilgrims. 


Of the improvement of Navigation in later Times, and the 
meanes whereby the world in her old Age hath been 
more then ever discovered. ..... I 

\/ §. I. Of Magneticall and Astronomicall Instruments, first 

applyed to Navigation. ...... I 

!,''§. 2. Of Henrie, third sonne to John the first King of 
Portugall by an English woman, the Prince of later 
Discoveries : and of the helps both against the Moores, 
and in their Discoveries which the Portugals have 
received of our Nation. ...... 9 

§. 3. Of King John the second his Discoveries, and advance- 
ment of the Art of Navigation. . . . . 15 

§. 4. Of the conjectures touching a new World by Chris- 
topher Colon or Columbus, and his manifold diffi- 
culties therein. . . . . . . . 19 

§. 5. Columbus his first Voyage, and improvement therein 

of the Mariners Art. ...... 24 


The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. pace 

- §. 6. The Popes Bull made to Castile, touching the New 

World 32 

Animadversions on the said Bull of Pope Alexander. 42 

>' §. 7. Of the Portugals discontent and compromise with the 

Spaniard, and their first Discoveries of the East Indies. 64 

■^ §. 8. Of Gamas Acts at Calicut, and his returne. . . 69 

§. 9. The second Fleet sent to the East Indies : Their 

discoverie of Brasil, and other Acts. . . . 75 

§. 10. Albuquerques exploits, and the first knowledge of 

the Molucca's 80 


•^ Of Fernandus Magalianes : The occasion of his Voyage, 
and the particulars of the same, with the compassing 
of the World by the ship called San Victoria ; 
gathered out of Antonio Pigafetta, an Italian of 
Vicenza, who was one in the said Circum-Naviga- 
tion, as also from divers other Authors. ... 84 


^ The second Circum-Navigation of the Earth : Or the 
renowmed voyage of Sir Francis Drake, the first 
Generall which ever sayled about the whole Globe, 
begun in the yeere of our Lord 1577. heretofore 
published by Master R. Hackluyt, and now reviewed 
and corrected. . . . . . . .119 

CHAP. nil. 

The third Circum-Navigation of the Globe: Or the 
admirable and prosperous voyage of Master Thomas 
Candish of Trimley in the Countie of Suffolke 
Esquire, into the South Sea, and from thence round 
about the circumference of the whole Earth, begun 


The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page 

in the yeere of our Lord 1586. and finished 1588. 
Written by Master Francis Pretty lately of Ey in 
Suffolke, a Gentleman employed in the same action, 
published by Master Hakluyt, and now corrected 
and abbreviated. .149 

A Letter of Master Thomas Candish to the Right 
Honorable the Lord Hunsdon, Lord Cham- 
berlaine, one of Her Majesties most Honorable 
Privie Counsell, touching the successe of his 
Voyage about the World. . . . . 185 


The Voyage of Oliver Noort round about the Globe, 
being the fourth Circum-Navigation of the same, 
extracted out of the Latine Diarie. . . .187 

Of Sebald de Wert his voyage to the South Sea, and 
miserie in the Streights nine Moneths, wherein 
William Adams Englishman was chiefe Pilot. . zo6 


The voyage of George Spilbergen, Generall of a Dutch 
Fleet of sixe ships, which passed by the Magellane 
Streights, and South Sea, unto the East Indies, and 
thence (having encompassed the whole Circumference 
of the Earth) home : gathered out of the Latine 
Journall, being the fift Circum-Navigation. . . 210 

A discourse of the present state of the Molucco's, 
annexed to the former Journall, extracted out 
of ApoUonius Schot of Middleborough. . 227 

A briefe description of the Forts, Souldiers, and 
Militarie provision, as also of their Trade and 
Shipping in the East Indies, under the service 
of the Generall States of the united Provinces, 
and his Excellencle, as it was in July, 1616. 
extracted out of the Author of the Journall. 230 


The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page 


The sixth Circum-Navigation, by William Cornelison 
Schouten of Home : Who Southwards from the 
Streights of Magellan in Terra Del-fuogo, found 
and discovered a new passage through the great 
South Sea, and that way sayled round about the 
World : Describing what Hands, Countries, People, 
and strange adventures he found in his said passage. 232 

Maire and Schouten's Straights. Schouten's Straights and 
Discoveries. Schouten's Voyage about the World. 
Schouten's Coasting by Terra Australia. 

The Contents of the Chapters and Paragraphs in 
the third Booke of the First part of Purchas 
his Pilgrims. 


Of the first English Voyages to the East Indies, before the 

establishment of the East Indian Companie. . . 285 

§. I. Of Sighelmus, Mandevile, Stevens, Fitch, and divers 

other English men, their Indian Voyages. . . 285 

§. 2. The Voyage of Master Benjamin Wood into the 
East Indies, and the miserable disastrous successe 
thereof. H 288 

§. 3. The travailes of John Mildenhall into the Indies, and 
in the Countries of Persia, and of the Great Mogor 
or Mogul (where he is reported afterwards to have 
died of poyson) written by himselfe in two Letters 
following. H. ...... . 2Qy 

The second Letter of John Mildenhall to Master 
Richard Staper, written from Casbin in Persia, 
the third day of October, 1606. H. . . 299 



The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page 

§. 4. The Voyage of Captaine John Davis, to the 
Easterne India, Pilot in a Dutch ship ; written by 
himselfe. H. 305 

A briefe Relation of Master John Davis, chiefe 
Pilot to the Zelanders in their East-India 
Voyage, departing from Middleborough the 
fifteenth of March, Anno 1598. . . . 306 

John Davis his first Indian Voyage. Treason of the K. 
of Achen rewarded. Of Sumatra, &c. King of 
Achens Court, Customes and Government. John 
Davis his Relations of Achen and Ophir. 

§. 5. William Adams his Voyage by the Magellan Streights 
to Japon, written in two Letters by himselfe, as fol- 
loweth. H 326 

W. Adams his Voyage by the South sea to Japon. Adams 
his miseries on the Coasts of Chili. W. Adams his 
passing the South-sea to Japan. 

A Letter of William Adams to his wife from Japan. 340 

W. Adams Letters from Japan. W. Adams his miserable 
Voyage to Japan. 

§. 6. The second Voyage of John Davis with Sir Edward 
Michelborne Knight, into the East Indies, in the 
Tigre, a ship of two hundred and fortie Tunnes, 
with a Pinnasse called the Tigres whelpe : which 
though in time it be later then the first of the East 
Indian Societie, yet because it was not set forth by 
them, here placed. H. . . . . . .347 

Salvage Saldanians : the Cape and Corpo Sancto. Cap. 
Davis slaine. 


A priviledge of fifteene yeeres granted by her Majestie to 
certaine Adventurers, for the discoverie of the Trade 
for the East Indies, the one and thirtieth of Decem- 
ber, 1600. H. ...... . 366 



The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. pace 


The first Voyage made to East India by Master James 
Lancaster, now Knight, for the Merchants of London, 
Anno, 1600. With foure tall ships, (to wit) the 
Dragon, the Hector, the Ascension and Susan, & the 
Guest a Victualler. H. 392 

§. I. The preparation to this Voyage, and what befell 

them in the way till they departed from Saldania. . 392 

Soldania. Scorbute. 

|. 2. Their departure from Saldania, and proceeding in 
their voyage to Achen in Sumatra, with their trading 
at Saint Maries, Antongill, Nicubar : the strange plant 
of Sombrero, and other occurrents. . . . 399 

Antongill. A strange Plant. 

§. 3. Their entertainement and trade at Achen, and Queene 

Elizabeth her Letter to that King. . . . 406 

Achen. Reasons of League. 

§. 4. Portugall wiles discovered, a Prize taken neere 

Malacca. 417 

Craft retorted. Carracke taken. 

|. 5. Their Present to and from the King : his Letters 
to Queene Elizabeth : Their departure for Priaman 
and Bantam, and setling a Trade there. . . .425 

The King of Achens Letter to the Queene of England. 
Trade at Bantam. 

§. 6. Their departure for England, and occurrents in the 

way 432 

Sir James Lancasters Sea perils. 


The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. ""ace 

CHAP. nil. 

A Discourse of Java, and of the first English Factorie 
there, with divers Indian, English, and Dutch occur- 
rents, written by Master Edmund Scot, contayning 
a Historic of things done from the eleventh of Feb- 
ruarie, 1602. till the sixt of October, 1605. abbre- 
viated. H.P 438 

|. I . The description of Java major, with the manners and 
fashions of the people, both Javans and Chynsesses, 
which doe there inhabit. . . . . .438 

Manners of the Javans and Chinois. 

§. 2. A true and briefe discourse of many dangers by fire, 

and other perfidious treacheries of the Javans. . 446 

Treacheries of the Javans against the English at Bantam. 
Javan Fires and Theeves. Crueltie and Treacherie 
of the Javans. Barbarous workes. Terrible word. 

.§. 3. Differences betwixt the Hollanders (stiling them- 
selves English) the Javans, and other things remarkable. 456 

Hollanders in the Indies supposed Englishmen. Crueltie 
and Treacherie. 

|. 4. Treacherous underminings, with other occurrents. . 463 

Theevish Vault-workers and Fire plots of Chinois. Cruell 
execution, and Barbarous resolution. Fires and Trea- 
son at Bantam. English honour in the East Indies. 

§. 5. Generall Middletons arrivall, the sicknesse and death 
of many. Quarrels twixt Ours and the Hollanders, 
begun by Captaine Severson, a Dutch man, and the 
King of Bantams circumcision, and pompous triumphs. 478 

Capt. Middleton, and Capt. Colthrust. Much sickenesse. 
Syverson first cause of Dutch Hostilitie. The King 
of Bantams pompe and presents. Pageants and shewes 
at the Kings Circumcision. 


The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. tag" 

§. 6. Further quarrels betwixt the English and Dutch, 

with other accidents. . . . . . .491 

Dutch fray. Cowardize valourous. 


The second Voyage set forth by the Companie into the 
East Indies, Sir Henrie Middleton being Generall : 
wherein were employed foure ships ; the Red Dragon, 
Admirall ; the Hector, Vice-Admirall ; the Ascension 
with the Susan : written by Thomas Clayborne in a 
larger Discourse, a briefe whereof is here delivered. H. 496 

lies of Banda. 


A Journall of the third Voyage to the East India, set 
out by the Companie of the Merchants, trading in 
those parts : in which Voyage were employed three 
ships, viz. the Dragon, the Hector, and the Consent, 
and in them the number of three hundred and ten 
persons, or thereabouts : written by William Keeling 
chiefe Commander thereof. H. . . . . 502 

§. I. Their disasters and putting backe for Sierra Leona, 

and what happened till they departed from Saldania. 502 

Capt. Keeling. His returne to Sierra Leona. 

§. 2. Their departure from Saldania, and what happened 

after till the shippes parted companie. . . . 508 

Captaine Keeling and Hawkins. 

§. 3. Instructions learned at Delisa of the Moores and 
Gusarates touching the Monsons, and while they rode 
there. Their comming to Priaman and Bantam. . 515 

Captaine Keeling his observations at Delisa. Captaine W. 
Keeling at Priaman. 


The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page 

§. 4. Their Voyage to Banda, Observations by the way, 

Actions there. . . . . . . .523 

Captaine Keeling his Voyage to Banda. Captaine W. Keel- 
ing at Banda. Dutch affaires, and English Trade in 
Banda. English kindnesse to the Dutch in Banda, 
ill rewarded. Ungratefull obtrusions of Hollanders. 
Dutch pretences against Banda and the English there. 
Dutch affaires, and English Trade in Banda. Huge 
tayled sheepe. Soldania. St. Helena. 


Christopher Columbus, ..... 24 
Sir Thomas Smith, . . . . . .376 

First Governor of the East India Company. 


"} ;■ 



Purchas His Pilgrimes 

Contayning a description of all the Circumnaviga- 
tions of the Globe ; and the Navigations and 
Voyages of Englishmen, alongst the Coasts 
of Africa, to the Cape of Good Hope, 
and from thence to the Red Sea, 
the Abassine, Arabian, Persian, 
Indian Shoares, Con- 
tinents and 

idli'.rJ'i''^'' i' 

A Description of all the Circum- [i. a. i] 
navigations of the Globe 


Chap. I. 

Of the improvement of Navigation in later Times, 
and the meanes whereby the World in her old 
Age hath beene more then ever discovered. 

§. I. 

Of Magneticall and Astronomicall Instruments, 
first applyed to Navigation. 

Od, the giver of every good gift, having 
first made the World, made Man, as it 
were a visible God of this visible World ; 
infusing in his super-admirable Creation, 
the knowledge of it, of himselfe, of God. 
This Trinitie of Knowledge was defaced 
by Mans voluntarie Rebellion, which 
enforced against him the Sentence of Curse from the ever- 
blessed Trinitie : Which yet in Judgement remembring 
Mercie, did not at once dissolve the World, or Man, but 
altered his Tenure, suffering him as a Customarie Tenant 
for terme of life (to be holden at the Will of the Lord) to 
occupy and husband it for the necessitie of his Body ; 


*In the sweat 
of thy Browes 
thou shall eat. 

[I. ii. 2.J 

* Os homini 
sublime dedit, 
videre, k^c. 

* Faith is the 
evidence of 
things unseene. 
Heb. 1 1 . I . 
Deut. 34. 

Ps. 104. 
* — 'Nil nisi 
fontus y 
— Caelum 
undique i^ 
undique fon- 

leaving also some sparkes of that Heavenly Fire in his 
Soule (maugre those darkest flames of Hell) whereby he 
might by laborious Art (being robbed of his white and 
pure Robes, wherewith Nature had adorned him) patch 
together Leaves or Skins for a time, to cover some part of 
his nakednesse. Neyther is * it any more, or of more 
worth, that here we labour for, and get as Servants, then 
some light Plumes and broken Feathers of that goodly 
Fowle, which wholly without labour God had first givea 
us as Children. 

Thus in regard of this temporall state ; which yet he 
(out of a Curse producing Blessing) made the Seed-time 
of a better Harvest, a richer Possession (raysed out of this 
Rubbish of our Ruine) by farre then that which we had 
lost : for Time, which we had forfeited, giving us Eter- 
nitie, which cannot die ; for Paradise, Heaven ; and God 
himselfe for the World'; an earnest whereof wee have 
alreadie, his Sonne given for us, his Spirit to us, and the 
promise of Himselfe in ineffable fruition. 

Yea, meane-while, to solace this our wearie Pilgrimage,, 
he hath given an erected * Countenance to the Body, still 
to be viewing the utter Court of our promised Palace, 
the faire Walls of our fairer Inheritance ; and to the Soule 
the Eye of Art, whereby not leaving the greater, or her 
little. Earth, it can in a moment mount and surmount 
Heaven, and compasse all this spacious extension (that I 
speake not of that spirituall Eye of * Faith, which sees- 
things unseene, the priviledge of his Saints.) Yea, she 
hath found out meanes, by the Givers bountie, to carry her 
beloved Body (not from some high Mountaine to over- 
Ipoke the lowly Plaines, or as Moses into Mount Nebo,. 
in Vision, to see that, which to see with joyfuU enjoying, 
was denyed ; but) really and actually to possesse and use 
the remotest Seas and Lands. She emboldeneth the Body 
to forsake her Earthly Nest, and (like young Eaglets on 
the Eagles Wings) carryeth her to take a Naturall and 
Universall Possession of the Universe, where the Heavens 
alone * are spread about her as a Curtaine, where the 


Beames of her Chambers are (in properest sense) layd in 
the Waters, where the Clouds are her Chariot (the Wheeles 
at least) whereby shee walketh on the wings of the Wind, 
and those swelling Spirits are made her Drivers; the 
angriest Element being tamed by industrious Art, which 
useth all their Natures to her best purposes. 

To compasse this in former times, was impossible, and 
how many Seas to our fore-fathers impassable, for want of ' 

the Compasse? The Starres and Coasts were then the 
Guides, and without those Stilts, and Stayes, Navigation 
durst not adventure, in that her impotencie and inrancie, 
to goe into the Maine. And if any disastrous Stormes 
had made sudden surprize of Ship and Men, the Master 
found himselfe and his Art at a losse in the midst of his 
Ship and Mariners ; and if the frowning Heavens long 
refused with wonted Eyes to looke on him, and the 
absented Earth forgot to extend her Lap and Armes, lost 
bee must bee for ever. No great Discoverie was other- 
wise by the Art of the Ancients performed ; nor durst any 
repeat that Lesson by Art, which Tempest had occasion- 
ally taught him, farre from the Coast, against his will. 
Chance is a forgetfuU Mistresse, unlesse Art be the Usher 
of her Schoole, teaching and emboldening to repetition of fi<» Cl> i 

her casuaU Lectures. '>«<■-/ >'« 

God Almightie pittying this Frailtie, intending better i'"'"^"/^''^ 
things to the last and worst Ages of the World (as in this ' aj'-^^^' 
flilnesse of time he sent his Sonne and the Spirit of his *;^,' i ^^ 
Sonne to prepare men for Heaven, so since, I hope to f>"^ ./^ 

further the former) hath given the Science of the Load- '"""' ^*'' c, 
stone and Astronomicall Rules and Instruments, applyed ^"Jf^lfj^^""'' 
by Art to Navigation, that hee might give more ample ji„ga;ne to ' 
Possession of the Sea and the Earth to the sonnes of Men. AntiquiAe. I 
Let others applaud, admire, adore, the Stones called Pre- p-t;*! . 

cious : this shall bee to mee Pearle and Ruby, and Saphire, a, 

and Diamant, and more then all those multiplyed Names 
of Gemmes, which all are also made ours by helpe of the 
Loadstone. This Magneticall vertue was hidden to the 
Golden and Silver Ages, her Iron sympathie hath long 


Gilbertus de 

ventis credere 
docta Tyrus. 

Fid. §. 7. 

beene knowne to the Iron World ; but her constant Polar 
ravishments, and her no lesse constant inconstancie by 
Variation, were Mysteries reserved to later Posterities. 
The former of these Qualities yeelds the Compasse, the 
Needle by Magneticall touch directing the way in waylesse 
Wildernesses by Land, and thorow the vastest Waterie 

This vertue of the Loadstone, to be the Lead-stone and 
Way-directing Mercurie thorow the World, Plato, Aris- 
totle, Theophrastus, Dioscorides, Galen, Lucretius, Plinie, 
his Solinus, and Ptolomee, Scholers of the highest Formes 
in Natures Schoole^ knew not, though the Magneticall 
attraction of Iron be mentioned in their Workes. Some 
have also added some Physicall Vertues, and some the 
Fables of the Adamant and Garlike preventing that attrac- 
tion, which later Authors have received by authoritie, with- 
out due examination. But if any list to see Armies of 
Authors mustered, and their Writings also of this Subject 
examined. Dr. Gilbert in his learned Worke of the Mag- 
nete, hath done it in sixe whole Bookes ; the causes also 
enquired both of that attraction, and this (whereof we now 
speake) Polar motion. This invention some ascribe to 
Salomon : which I would beleeve, if he had written of 
Stones, as he did of Plants ; or if the Tyrians, which were 
almost the engrossers of * Navigation in that Age, and 
were the Sea-men which Salomon used in his Ophyrian 
Discoveries (which we have laboured in fitter place to 
discover) had left any Tradition or Monument thereof to 
Posteritie : which could no more have been lost then 
sayling it selfe ; which the Greekes, Carthaginians, and 
other Nations successively derived from them. Others 
therefore looke further into the East, whence the Light 
of the Sunne and Arts have seemed first to arise to our 
World; and will have Marco Polo the Venetian above 
three hundred yeeres since to have brought it out of 
Mangi (which wee now call China) into Italy. True it is, 
that the most magnified Arts have there first beene borne. 
Printing, Gunnes, and perhaps this also of the Compasse, 



which the Portugals at their first entry of the Indian Seas 
(whereof you shall presently heare) found amongst the 
Mores, together with Cards and Quadrants to observe 
both the Heavens and the Earth. And Vertomannus 
about the same time travelled with them over the Arabian 
Desarts to Mecca and Medina, directing their course by 
the Compasse, and there also observed that Tale of 
Mahumets Body hanging in the Roofe of the Temple by 
the attractive power of Loadstones (which Chinocrates is 
reported to have intended to himselfe at Alexandria, in 
the Temple of Arsinoe, making the Roofe of these Stones, 
so to attract his Iron Image, prevented by death) to be 
but a Tale and Fable. But as neyther Printing nor Ord- 
nance were brought from thence to us, but (casuall Acts 
opening a passage to industrious Arts) were invented by 
European heads, and brought to riper perfections then in 
the East, which had Icnowne them before, so I also con- 
ceive of these Marine Instruments. Nor will I envie to 
John Goia of ^Malfi, that whatsoever glory of the first 
Invention, which Blondus and others (some*" naming him 
Flavius) have ascribed to him. Italy indeed hath best 
deserved in Discoveries, for her Polo and Goia, and 
Vertoman, now mentioned, and for her Colombo and 
Cabota, of which is question, whether first found out the 
Variation of the Needle, or whether discovered more of 
the New World; though another Italian, Americus 
Vesputius, carried the "Name away from them both. 

This Variation is, when the Magneticall Needle points 
not out the true Pole, but is distracted somewhat eyther 
with an Easterly or Westerly deflexion. This Variation 
of the Compasse is the best remedie yet found out against 
the Mariners Variation from their Compasse, and Devia- 
tion from their scope and intended course. And although 
the Variation cannot without Starre or Sunne be observed, 
as the direction of the Compasse may (which gives Light 
in the darkest Night, pointing still toward the Pole) 
neyther can hereby the true longitude of Places be dis- 
covered (this Light shines most out of Darkenesse, and 



1503. P'ert. 
c. 14. 

''A Towne in 
the Kingdome 
of Naples: oj 
which is this 
Verse, Prima 
dedit nautis 
Amalphis. \ 
^Lop. de \ 
cap. 9. 
Bellon. Obs. 
I. 2. c. 16. 
Vide Epist. 
Ed. Wright 
ante Gilb. op. 
de Mag. 


^How vaine a 
thing is Man? 
who can by 
reason mani- 
fest the num- 
ber of the 
Spheres? of the 
Elements? or 
that there are 
Spheres? their 
motion ? yea, 
whether the 
Earth or the 
move, or both, 
is yet unde- 
cided. How 
many opinions 
of the Ancients 
are now proved 
false by ex- 
perience? And 
-had not God 
given us his 
Word for the 
ground of our 
faith {which 
the Devill en- 
vying, hath 
here also 
obtruded Tra- 
dition) what 
certaintie had 
remained, but 
knowledge of 
evill unto his 
for knowledge 
lost Paradise? 

from Ecclipses, which I have therefore in this Historic 
taken all occasions to observe, is most illustrious and 
plaine) yet for ordinarie and generall use in Discoveries 
and Navigations in unknowne Seas, this yeelds best supply 
of that knowledge of Longitudes, by reason of the con- 
stant inconstancie (as I said) of this Variation. For how- 
soever it varies from the true Pole, yet it never varies 
from it selfe, but in the same place eternally holds the 
same Variation, if it be exactly observed ; which some- 
times, by want in the Instrument or Workman, and almost 
alway by Sea, through the unsteadinesse thereof, falls out, 
and therefore is better farre, being taken in calme Weather, 
and best, if opportunitie serve, on Land. 

Now for the Causes "^ eyther of Direction or Variation, 
Philosophers have rather busied their owne, then estab- 
lished others Conceits from variation by their Directions, 
and pointing out the causes hereof in nature : some, telling 
us of Hyperborean Magneticall Mountaines ; some, 
deriving the cause from the Pole of the Heaven ; some, 
from a Starre in the tayle of the greater Beare ; some 
from the Heavens neere to the Pole ; some goe also beyond 
the Poles and Heavens, to I know not what Magneticall 
Power, placed out of place ; some lead us into a Magneti- 
call Hand (Ly-land) every man will say somewhat, and so 
doe they that flye to hidden Miracles in Nature. But 
that somewhat is nothing : And we indeed are lesse then 
Nothing and Vanitie ; which, whiles we call all our Argu- 
ments Demonstrations, and all our Arts Sciences, neyther 
know God, nor the World, or Nature, nor our selves, how 
ever vainly puffed up with the Conceits and Deceits of 
Knowledge. Ego vero quid.? (sayth ^Scaliger of this 
Subtletie, who yet hath a Reason too, though as reason- 
lesse (perhaps) as those of others ; so fortunately doth our 
Wit find it selfe unfortunate, and knowes but one thing, 
that it knowes nothing) quid aliud nisi unum verum ? nos 
in luce rerum tenui caligare, in mediocri caecutire, in majori 
caecos esse, in maxima insanire. Quid aliud quam me 
nescire ? Solus omnium ego nihil afferendo veritatemattuli. 



Most laborious have beene the paines, most probable 
(perha,ps) the reasons of our Countreyman Doctor Gilbert, 
by many yeeres experiments in this subject, who hath 
observed the whole Earth to bee as a great Loadstone, the 
Loadstone and the Iron (which naturally also with exact 
tryall hee hath observed, even without * touch, to hold like 
Direction and Variation, in respect of the Pole) to con- 
taine the principall Qualities of the Earth ; that the 
Direction and Variation are both, not from Contraction or 
Coition, or other hidden cause, but from the disposing 
power of the Earth, and the convertible nature of the 
Magnete, the Earth it selfe being Mother and originall 
Fountaine of the Magneticall vertues and operations. 
Hee deriveth the Direction from the Polar conformitie of 
the Earth; the Variation, from the inequalitie of the 
same, in the Superficies thereof; partly by Seas, partly by 
Mountaines, which have difFormed though not deforhied 
the Globositie of this Globe, in paying to other places by 
excessive height whatsoever was taken from the Deepes, 
to make Channels for the Waters. Hence the greater 
Continents of Earth have greater force and power, and 
where the Earth is most depressed or weakened, there 
hath it lesser ; yet so, as these Magneticall Motions being 
from the constant Magneticall nature of the whole Earth, 
a small Hand cannot prejudice or prevent the clayme of the 
greater Continent. Thus in the Azores the Needle hath 
no apparant Variation, which on the Coast of Guinnee 
inclines Eastward to the African ^Continent, and neere 
the American bends Westward ; in these Hands as indiffe- 
rent betwixt two equall Continents, aimes at the Pole of 
the Earth, and therefore Magneticall. His many ''Rules, 
Experiments, and Observations are worthy a learned and 
leysurely Reader : My selfe having haste to traveU over 
the World, and that with so many Travellers, cannot stand 
in this Muze, or Maze rather of Philosophers. Let us 

^Jll Compasses are not jit fir all Navigations, as appeares by the differences 
of those in the Straits, and here, i^c. the variation least neere the Line in 
60. 70. or 80. very great, l^c. 



'By helpe of 
the Loadstone, 
rich veines of 
Iron and other 
Metals are dis- 
covered. In 
Affaires, both 
in Mining, 
levelling of 
Peeces in the 
darke, also in 
Building, con- 
veying of 
and a thou- 
sand other 
Devices, is use 
of the Load- 

[I. ii. 4.] 
doubled the 
Cape of Good 
Hope, the 
doubles and 
kokes to the 
West from the 
Pole, as the 
Land doth. 


now consider not the naturall Causes, which are hard, but 

take easier view of the sensible effects thereof in the 

furtherance of Navigation, wherein the touched Needle is 

the Soule as it were of the Compasse, by which every 

skilfull Mariner is emboldened to compasse the whole 

Body of the Universe. Let the Italians have their prayse 

for Invention : the prayse of Application thereof to these 

remote Discoveries is due to the Portugals, who first 

began to open the Windowes of the World, to let it see 

it selfe. These first also of all Europeans, applyed by the 

/' 'i direction of King John (as foUoweth in this storie) Astro- 

nomicall Instruments to this Magneticall, and occasioned 

those Spanish Discoveries in the New World, by 

\ Colombo's Industry. 

I The Load-stone was the Lead-stone, the very Seed and 

j ingendring Stone of Discoverie, whose soever Joviall 

Braine first conceived that Minerva. But the Juno 

Lucina, that helped Nature in this happy Conception and 

j educated Discoverie to that strength, that it durst ordin- 

' arily adventure beyond the knowne World, and made way 

I to that Maturitie, whereby it opened soone after another 

Portugals World, was Prince Henry of Portugall. 

prayse. Thus doth the Great God rayse up the least things to 

Greatnesse : and this, one of the last and least of Europaean 

Kingdomes, was dignified with the first search and Science 

! of Discoveries. Spaine and Portugall, after a long 

servitude, fattened their Soyle with the bloud of the 

Moores, and thence have growne by Divine Blessing not 

onely to free themselves of that Yoke, but with farre- 

; spreading Boughes to over-looke and over-awe the 

remotest East and furthest West ; paying themselves with 

the Drugges and Gemmes of Asia, the Gold and Slaves of 

Africa, the Silver and Possessions of America, as Wages 

for that Europsean slavery under the Mahumetans, many 

^ Ages continued, which now shall follow to be declared. 



§. II. 

Of Henry, third sonne to John the first King of 
Portugal! by an English Woman, the Prince 
of later Discoveries : and of the helpes both 
against the Mores, and in their Discoveries [ 

which the Portugals have received of our 
He Saracens (as we have related "elsewhere) about ^P-P'lg-l- 3- 
the yeere* 712. brought by Julianus Earle of Cepta %somesay 
(to revenge the deflowring of his Daughter Caba 71^. 

by Rodericus, the last of the Gottish Kings) into Spaine, 
under the conduct of Muses, conquered and subjected the 
same to Ulit the Chalipha. Pekgius ''began first to make ^f^ Spanish 
head against these Barbarians, whose successors had sue- ^. "^' ^^^"^'' 
ceeded in the same Quarrell with prosperous successe Dedi.H.i. 
above three hundred yeeres space, when Alphonsus the 
sixt tooke Toledo from the Mores. He, in recompence 
of good services in the Warres, gave unto Henry of 
Lorraine, whom some call Earle of Limbourg, his 
Daughter Teresa, with the Countrey of Portugall in 
Dowrie, and whatsoever he could further conquer from 
the Mores, by Title of an Earle : whose sonne Don 
Alphonso was the first King of that Realme, newly erected 
on the bloud and desolation of the Mores in those parts, 
whom by degrees they chased quite out of that Kingdome, 
firom that time till that of John the first. He pur- 
suing that Hereditarie Quarrell, passed over Sea into 
Africa, and there tooke Cepta, and brake the Ice to his 
Posteritie, which made valiant and successefull progresse 
in those Designes of Africa, till their Navigations into 
Asia with greater hopes and happinesse, made them 
neglect that neerer and dearer Purchase. 

This Conquest of Cepta, or Seut, is mentioned by 
Thomas "^ Walsingham, which then lived, in these words : "T. Wah. 
' This yeere the King of Portugall relying on the helpe of tlist.Ang.An. 
the Merchants of England most of all, and of the Almans, '''■'^' 


^J.D. 1 188. 
vid. Mat. 
Paris, in fine 
Hen. 2. 
[I. ii. 5.] 

" See Dam. a 
Goes de 
Aethiop. Mor. 
Barrius, Dec. 
I. /. I. 
Osor. de Reb. 
Eman. I. I. 


overcame the Agarens in the Land of the King of the 
Betinarines, many thousands of them being sent to Hell ; 
and tooke their Citie, seated on the Sea, called Sunt, very 
large, compassed with a Wall, as they say, of twentie 
miles.' Some reason the English had to this Assistance : 
for the Wife of Don John was Philip, Daughter of John 
of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, and Sister to Henry the 
fourth, whose sonne Henry the fifth then reigned in Eng- 
land. They did imitate also their English Ancestors, who 
long before, in the time of Henry the second, had joyned 
themselves with other Northerne "^Pilgrimes for the 
Expedition to the Holy-Land, and sayling together from 
Dartmouth, about 37. ships well manned touched at 
Lisbone, where the Portugall King besought their aid 
against the Mores in the Citie Sylvia, or Sylvis, profering 
to them the spoyle in recompeiice. Which they attempted, 
and on the third day of the Siege, brake into the Suburbs, 
and forced Alchad the Prince to yeeld the Citie, wherein 
were of all sorts above 60000. Mores, whereof 47000. 
were slaine, and the Mahumetan Temple consecrated to 
the Mother of God. 

Thus both at home and abroad were the Portugals in- 
debted to the English ; as also in the example of some 
Englishmen, and namely one Macham, which had beene 
by tempest driven on shore in Madera : but in nothing 
more, then that English Lady before mentioned, whose 
third sonne Don Henry was the true foundation of the 
Greatnesse, not of Portugall alone, but of the whole 
Christian World, in Marine Affaires, and especially of 
these Heroike endevours of the English (whose flesh 
and bloud hee was) which this ensuing Historie shall pre- 
sent unto you. 

This illustrious Henry having given proofe of his 
valour against the Infidels at Cepta, devised ^with him- 
selfe, how he (being Governor of the Militarie Order of 
Jesus Christ, formerly instituted, and endowed to main- 
taine Warres against the Mores, alreadie expelled out of 
Portugall) might advance the honor of his Name and 



Order, in Conquests which others had not yet attempted, 

and therefore in Discoveries of Countries yet unknowne. 

To this end he spent his life in single estate, and in the 

studies of the Mathematikes : for which purpose, he 

chose the clearer Ayre of Cape S. Vincent, that there he 

might better intend his Mathematicall Theorie, the prac- 

tike thereof in Instruments, and the use, in sending out 

Ships at his owne charge to discover remoter parts, 

whereof he had both heard by enquirie of Captives taken 

at Cepta, and conceived by his owne studie and reason (for 

besides that of Macham, ancient Histories give some light 

to the studious, in the * reports of Menelaus, Hanno, pdeP.Ptlg. 

Eudoxus, and others) that the Atlantike and Indian Seas •7-''-'2-S-2- 

had concourse, the one yeelding passage to the other, or 

rather being one continued Ocean. He also from Majorca 

caused one Master James, a man skilfuU in Navigation, 

and in Cards and Sea Instruments, to be brought into 

Portugall, there at his charge, as it were, to erect a Schoole 

of Marinership, and to instruct his Countreymen in that 


The first Ships which he sent, discovered no further then 
Cape Bogiador, 180. miles beyond Cape «Non (the Non ^ Of which 
ultra before, of the Spanish Navigations) beyond which ^J^l HewhUk 
they durst not passe, because of the loftie breaking of the shall passe the 
Surge, caused \ij the Capes extension farre into the Sea : Cape of Non, 
not daring (such was then the infancie of Navigation) to 'f^^^l '«'^'? 
avoid the same, to put further off into the Sea, lest they ^f""^^'"' 
might hap to lose themselves, if they lost the sight of 
Land. That which Art durst not. Tempest compelled in 
the next Barke sent for Discoverie, which with distresse of 
Weather driven into Seas out of the Mariners knowledge, 
happily encountred that Hand, which they hereupon ^ 
named Porto "^ Santo, and without further coasting the (^'^'if'^^j 
shore of Afrike, returned home with the newes, and ^^^y Haven: 
desire of licence to people it ; so well did they like of the and Santo, fir 
Ayre, Soyle, and gentle Condition of the Natives. The that it was 
Prince accordingly sent three Ships, two of which hee ^jl"^J''J^ 
committed to John Consalvo Zarco, and Tristan Vaz, the saints. 




strangely mid- 

Madera or 
Wood dis- 

* Madam an 
^Ant. Gal- 
vano. An. Do. 

''Bar. Dec. \. 
I. I. c. 3. 


"Porto Santo 
[I. ii. 6.] 


former Discoverers ; the third to Bartholomew Perestrello, 
who with Seeds and Plants carried thither a 'Conie great 
with young; which lighting her burthen by the way, and 
together with them put forth, so multiplyed in two yeeres, 
that they grew wearie of all their Labours, destroyed by 
those Conies. Whereupon Perestrello returning, the 
other two, Consalvo and Vaz would needs discover 
whether it were Land or no, which appeared unto them 
like Clouds or Vapours, and found it indeed the Hand 
''Madera, or Wood, so called of the abundance of Wood 
which then over-shadowed it, and with the moist Vapours 
had seemed to bury it in a Cloud. They returning with 
this newes to the Prince, received by the Kings consent 
the same Hand, divided betwixt them; the one part, 
called Funciale, to Consalvo and his heires ; the other, 
called * Machico, to Vaz. This was so named of an 
Englishman, called Macham, which had before arrived' 
there by Tempest, and buried therein a Woman, whom 
he loved, with a memoriall thereof ingraven on the Stone 
of her Tombe ; after which, with a Boat made of one 
Tree, he passed to the Coast of Barbary without Sayle or 
Oare, and being presented to the King for a Wonder, was 
by him sent to the King of Castile. 

In the yeere 1420. began that "Plantation, and the 
thicke Trees being by Consalvo set on fire, continued 
burning seven yeeres : which destruction of Wood hath 
caused since as great want. The Prince caused Sugar 
Canes to be carried from Sicilia thither, and men skilniU 
of that "Art, whereof the increase hath beene such, that 
in some yeeres the fifth part (which the Prince reserved to 
his Militarie Order) hath amounted to above threescore 
thousand Arrobes (every Arrobe is five and twentie 
pounds) growing onely in one place, little more then nine 
miles compasse. To Perestrello" hee gave Porto Santo, 
on condition to people it, which hardly hee could doe for 
the Conies, whereof in one little Islet at one time were 
killed three thousand. 

Twelve yeeres had passed, since the Prince had begun 



this Enterprise, before Cape Bajadore could be passed ; 
such was the 'conceit of tempestuous Seas, strong Cur- ^Difficulties 
rents, Whirle-pooles which would swallow Ships, beyond ^""^^'p I'^e 
that Cape : yea they added, that the Land was not fit for 'fj„ discover- 
habitation, but like the sandie Desarts of Libya. Much ing further. 
did they murmure, that the Natives of the Land were 
exhaust in Discoveries, which before, wise and provident 
Kings would have undertaken, had there beene likelyhood 
of successe ; who yet contented themselves with the knowne 
World, and sought not a torrid Zone, unfit for humane 
dwelling. These costs might with lesse danger have beene 
bestowed in the barrenner parts of the Kingdome at home, 
without Sea-perils. 

These murmurings I recite, as alwayes attending and 
preoccupating great Actions, and to shew the poore 
Prentiship which Navigation then served, that it might 
attaine that Freedome which the next Age brought forth. 
The patient Prince endured these Exceptions, with quar- 
rellings at the Victualls, Money, and Men spent in a 
Service so unserviceable and needlesse, so dangerous, so 
hurtful, and so! what every barking Tongue could 
alledge; nor could the apparant profits of Madera and 
Porto Santo stop their mouthes. His men also, which he 
sent forth, preyed on the Coasts of Barbary, and tooke 
Slaves, which helpe bare charges. 

But one of his servants, named "Gilianes, seeing the "^Bajadore 
Prince discontent that they went no further, adventured ■fi"*P''""l- 
that Herculean Labour (as it then seemed) and passed 
that Turneagaine or Bajadore Cape, with some proofe of 
the Plants, report of the Seas passable, and commendations 
of the Ayre and Soyle in those parts. This happened 'Cope Blanco. 
An. 1433. ^ Popes Dona- 

The next yeere Anton. Consalvo pierced fortie miles f X/^-^r? 
further, and found the Countrey inhabited. Nor could '^nm,'andan 
much more be effected, till the yeere 1441. when Nugno incentive to 
Tristan discovered 'Cape Blanco, and tooke some Pris- the vulgar, 
oners. After which. Prince Henry obtained 'of Pope "'"rdingto 
Martin the fifth a perpetuall Donation to the Crowne of J^x^S. 






^Sanaga and 
Cape Ferde. 

^ Canaries. 
Machatn first 
discoverer of 
Madera and 
the Canaries. 

his death. 


Portugall, of whatsoever should be discovered from Cape 
Bajadore to the East Indies inclusively, and Indulgence 
plenarie for the Soules of all such as should perish in 
that Conquest : which the succeeding Popes, Eugenius, 
Nicholas, and Sixtus confirmed, at the instance of King 
Alphonsus and his sonne John. 

At the next 'returne they traded with the Negros for 
exchange of their Men, for which they had Gold and 
other Slaves, whereupon they called the place the Golden 
River, and passed further to the Isles of Argin and Garze. 
Gold made a recantation of former Murmurings, and 
now the Prince was extolled; yea, "now the inhabitants 
of Lagos capitulated with the Prince to set forth Carveiles 
at their owne charges, which tooke many Captives. 

The yeere 1445. Denis Fernandez passed the River" 
Sanaga, which divideth the Azenegui from those of 
Guinea, called Gialof, and discovered also Cape Verde. 
Other Discoveries successively followed ; in which, some 
having made slaves of friends, the Prince made the 
Authors apparrell and send them backe at their owne 
charges, to the Canaries, whence they had stolne them. 

These ^ Canaries, by relations of Macham the English- 
man aforesaid, became knowne to the French and 
Spaniards ; and Betancor, which held three of them in 
possession, compounded for them with Prince Henry : 
but the Spaniard challenged them, as conquered by that 
Frenchman through the aid of Castile; under which 
Crowne they now are, after many choppings and chang- 
ings. But the Prince never gave over his endevours of 
Discoverie, till he discovered the Celestiall Jerusalem,, 
which ^happened the thirteenth of November, 1463. 
three and fortie yeeres after Madera had beene descryed : 
in all which time, his Travell succeeded no further then 
from Bajadore to Sierra Liona, one thousand one hundred 
and tenne miles space, in neere fiftie yeeres continued 
Cares and Costs. So hard a thing is it to discover. An 
argument of patience to our Moderne Discoverers, which 
are readie to murmure, and almost to mutinie, if 



new Worlds drop not into their mouthes at the first 

A little before his death, the Hands of * Cape Verde 
were discovered by Antonio di Nolle, a Genuois, licensed 
by the Prince. On May Even was Maio found, and on 
the next day two others, called also of the Time, one 
Philip, and the other Jacob, or Jago, which was first 
peopled. In his time * also were discovered the Terceras, 
by certaine Flemmings sayling to Lisbone ; which first 
began to be peopled An. 1449. 

King Alphonsus having little leysure for further Dis- 
coveries, farmed the same to Fernand Gomez, a Citizen 
of Lisbone, for five yeeres space, with condition every 
yeere to discover three hundred miles, to begin from 
Sierra Liona, and so to proceed along the Coast. He dis- 
covered * Mina by Santaren and Scovare his Captaines ; 
and after that, to Cape S. Catarine, on the South side of the 
Line. In that time was also discovered the Hand of Fer- 
nand Po, the Hands also of S. Thomas, S. Matthew, 
Annobon, & del Principe ; the Names of the Discoverers 
are unknowne. 


*Ilands of 
Cape Verde 
Bolero d.lsole. 

* Terceras dis- 
covered, or 
Azores, or 



§. III. 
Of King John the second his Discoveries, 
advancement of the Art of Navigation. 

Ing John the second having some experiment of 
the Profits of Guinea, which King Alphonso had 
bestowed on him for his Princely maintenance. 

[I. ii. 7.] 

*One of the 
Captaines toas 

could not now by the Objections of the length of the Way, 
unholesomenesse of the Countrey, expence of Victuall, 
and the like, be detained by his Counsellors ; but in the 
yeere 148 1. he sent a Fleet of ten * Caravels, under the 
command of Diego Dazambuia, to build the Castle of S. v r j. 
George della Mina, which in the yeere i486, he dignified TalledDie^Z 
with the Priviledges of a Citie. In the Church thereof James Ruiz. 
was ordayned a perpetuall Soule-Priest for Prince Henry 
aforesaid : and three yeeres after that Castle was builded, 



Stone Crosses 
or Pillars 
■erected in 
f laces dis- 
''Zaire bf 

Benin of Pres- 
byter John. 
"^ KingofSenin 
tributarie to 

^Enquirie/or sion 
him by Sea 
Mnd Land. 


he added to his Regall Title, Lord of Guinea. Cara- 
mansa the Lord of the Countrey would have hindered that 
Building, and the people (which worshipped the Stones 
and Rockes) mutined; but the Popes Gift, with their 
Strength, Gifts, Cunning, and some Revenge, prevayled : 
The King commanded, that Stone Crosses or Pillars, with 
the Portugal! Armes, should be set up in convenient places, 
expressing the time and Authors of such Discoveries. So 
did Diego Can 1484. on the Bankes of the River Zaire, 
in the first Discoverie of the Kingdome of * Congo (the 
King whereof, as also the King of Benin, desired Priests, 
and Baptisme) and in his next returne two others, 
having discovered six hundred miles, and in both his 
Voyages 1125. miles from Cape Catarine, further on 
the Coast. 

By the Embassador of the King of Benin (which is not 
farre from Mina) the King of Portugal! understood of the 
•"Abassine, commonly called Prester John, by them Ogane, 
whose Vassall the King of Benin then was, none being 
■^ acknowledged lawful! Prince, till he had sent his Em- 
bassadour to the said Ogane, and had received from him 
a Crosse to weare about his necke, in token of his admis- 
Hereupon King John sent both ^by Sea and 
Land to inquire both of the Indies, and of this great 
Negus, or Ogane : by Sea, two Pinnaces, of fiftie Tunnes 
apiece, under the conduct of Bartholomew Diaz, with a 
little Victualling Barke, in August, i486. Hee set cer- 
taine Negros on shore in divers places, which had beene 
before carried into Portugal!, and well used, that among 
those Savages they might relate the Portugall Civilitie 
and Greatnesse ; carrying also with them some shewes 
thereof in Apparrell, and other things given them ; and 
to make knowne, if it were possible, his desire, to find by 
his Discoveries meanes of acquaintance with Prester John. 
He gave Names to places discovered, and erected Pillars 
or Crosses of Stone (as is said) the last in the He called 
hereof, the Crosse ; where his people with much disquiet 
urged his returne, alledging their Victuals spent, and the 



losse of their Victualling Barke. Yet after consultation, 
hee proceeded so farre, that hee first discovered the famous 
Cape, which for his manifold troubles he termed Cabo 
Tormentoso, or the tempestuous Cape : but King John 
hoping thence to discover the Indies, named it at his 
returne the 'Cape of Good Hope; where hee placed 'CaboTor- 
another Pillar of Stone, called S. Philip ; as the other were 'Zo/hom 
termed S. George in the River of Zaire, S. Augustine in j;„t dis- 
the Cape thereof so termed, and likewise the rest. He covered. 
returned in December, 1487. sixteene moneths and seven- 
teene dayes after his setting out, having discovered a 
thousand and fiftie miles of Coast. He found by the way 
his Victualler, wherein he had left nine men, of which, 
three onely were left alive; 'one of which, Fernand 'Death tamed 

Colazzo, died with sudden ioy of this sight nine moneths 2,"™ff"{°y' 
/. , ' , r 1 1 •' ' ° The like hap- 

arter the losse or each other. „g^ f^ ^„ 

By Land, the King had sent some by the way of Englishman, 

Jerusalem to passe with the Abassine Pilgrims ; which ^ H- 

yet, for want of the Arabick Tongue, returned. Where- ^^"^^J '" ^• 

upon he sent Peter ^Covilian, well skilled therein, and epfter C'- 

with him Alphonso Pajua, in May, 1487. which went to viBan first 

Alexandria, thence to Cairo, and thence with certaine discoverer of 

Mores to Aden : from whence Pajua went to seeke a pas- P^ester John, 

sage to Prester John, but died at Cairo. Covilian from %^,;f' y 

Aden, neere the straits of the red Sea, imbarked himselfe Sofala'. 

for Cananor, and thence to Calicut and Goa in the East 

Indies : from whence he returned unto Africa, neere the 

Mines of Sofala, and after that to Cairo, with purpose of 

returne into Portugall. But the King had sent by two 

Spanish Jewes, Rabbi Abraham and R. Joseph, the latter 

of which had beene at Bagdad, and had acquainted the 

King with the Trade at Ormus, and from thence had 

passed to Aleppo and Damasco, and was now sent backe 

to Covilian, that by the one an answere might be brought 

what he had done, with charge not to desist, till he had 

beene with the Abassine, to whom he imployed him in 

Embassage: the other, to goe to Ormus, and informe 

himselfe of the Affaires of those parts. By Joseph, 

" 17 B 


[I. ii. 8.] 


Rules of 
first applied to 

Astrolabe, and 
Tables of 


Govilian wrote to the King, and to encourage his Naviga- 
tions, sent him a Mappe of his Discoveries in India, and 
on the African Coast. Hee pierced after this, to the 
Court of Alexander the Abassine, who kindly entertained 
him, but soone after died ; neyther would his successors 
permit that Ulysses to returne, a man of many Languages, 
and much usefull for his experience in the World : but to 
Francis Alvares, which accompanied Roderike de Lima in 
an Embassage thither almost thirtie yeeres after, hee 
related the summe of his Travels. 

Many other worthy Acts were performed by King John, 
in seeking to reduce some of these wild people both in 
Guinea and Congo, to holy Baptisme and Christian 
Religion, not so pertinent to this our purpose : but this 
was the furthest of his Discoveries. He had omitted an 
opportunitie offered by Columbus, whom in his first 
returne from the Indies with his new Indians, he saw in 
March, 1493. But Occasions Head in the hinder parts 
was bald, the Spaniard having before fastned on her fore- 
lockes. Yet doth Navigation owe as much to this Prince 
as to any, who had imployed Roderigo and Joseph, his 
Jewish Physicians, cunning Mathematicians of that time, 
with Martin Bohemus the SchoUer of John Monte Regius, 
to devise what helpes they could for the Mariners in their 
saylings thorow unknowne Seas, where neyther Starres (as 
unknowne) nor Land (being out of kenne) could guide 
them. These first, after long study, applyed the 
Astrolabe, before used onely by Astronomers, to Marine 
use, and devised the Tables of Declinations, to find out 
the Latitude of Places, and how to direct their course 
(which was afterwards by the knowledge of the Variation, 
exceedingly furthered) whereby the Mariners Art first 
began to free it selfe from the rudenesse of former times, 
and in these Navigations of Canus and Dias, as those also 
of Columbus, to prepare a Way to open our Eyes in these 
parts, to see a new World, and there in those, to see a 
new Heaven by Evangelicall Light, whereof a little 
misled glimpse they have alreadie ; an Earnest (as wee 




hope) of more, and more perfect, by Gods grace in due 
time to be revealed. 

§. nil. 

Of the Conjectures touching a New World by- 
Christopher Colon or Columbus, and his 
manifold Difficulties therein. 

Nd unto Portugall was Spaine beholden for Colum- 
bus, and Columbus also for his skill, whereby the 
Columbian (so fitlier named, then American) World 

was discovered. This Columbus or Colombo (by the 
Spaniards for easier pronunciation termed Colon) was 
borne, some say, at Sarona, some at Nervi, others in 
Cicurco, in the territorie of Genua, of an ancient House, 
of great reputation in the Empire of Otho the second HereraDeci. 
(whose Charters to the Family of the Columbi are yet ^'■'^■^^■ 
extant) but now almost antiquated, rotten and ruined with q^„ ^ j 
antiquitie. He began to embrace the Sea, and use Navi- See Edens 
gation in his Childhood, and traded many yeeres into Preface to Pet. 
Syria and other parts of the East ; and became also a ^''^'- ^^'■• 
maker of Cards for the Sea. The fame of the Portugall 
Navigations brought him thither, to learne the Coasts of 
Africa, and with their skill to amend his Cards, and withall, 
his fortunes. There he married a Wife, Philippa Mumiz 
de Perestrello (by whom he had his sonne James) and 
traded the Coast of Guinea. Some skill, it is manifest, 
hee had in the Latine Tongue, and was very studious of 
the Mathematikes, being also in his Religion (according 
to that knowledge he had) very devout, frequent in BoteroRel.un. 
Prayer, observant of Fasts, temperate in Diet, modest in P"'"'^ +• ^- ^• 
Attyre, gravely courteous in Behavior, abstinent of 
Oathes, and abhominating Blasphemies. Such an one did 
God make him, before he would make him a Discoverer. 
And as the Psalmist singeth of Heavenly, it is true also Ps. 25. 
in Earthly Mysteries, The secret of the Lord is with 
them that feare him, and the meeke he will guide in 
judgement : Which easily sheweth the cause why no better 



HereraDec. i 
/. I. Oviedo 
I. 2. 
[I. ii. 9.] 

grounds fir 
discozierie of 
the new 


successe hath followed some mens endevours, who going 
forth with high-swolne Sayles, filled with pufFes of Pride, 
and blasts or Arrogance, addicting themselves to Swear- 
ing, Cursing, and other resolute Dissolutenesse (as if they 
sought Discoveries in the infernall Regions, and acquaint- 
ance with those Legions of Hell, rather then to discover 
Lands, and recover Infidels to internall peace by the 
eternall Gospell) eyther perish at Sea, or returne with the 
gaine of losse, and shame, in stead of glory. Our Chris- 
topher Columbus was such in Deed as in Name, carrying 
Christ in his heart, and Dove-like lovely carriage in 

He is reported by Gomara, Mariana, and others, to 
have beene first moved to this Discoverie by a Pilot, which 
had beene before by distresse of Weather driven upon the 
Hands of America, which the most judicious Spaniards 
either omit or deny ; Benzo and Ramusio thinke it a 
tricke of Spanish envy, derogating from the worth of an 
Italian. But the reasons more probable, are his piercing 
Wit, judicious observation of Occurrents, learning in the 
Mathematikes, and the speciall instinct of Divine Pro- 
vidence, without which no humane patience could have 
sustained such magnanimous Indevours, so long con- 
temned, so much, so variously condemned. Experience 
of the Portugals, amongst whom he dwelt, had taught 
him the vanitie of Antiquitie touching the Antipodes, the 
Torrid Zone not habitable, and that the Sea was every 
way Navigable. Art instructed him of the roundnesse 
of this inferior Globe (which in the Moones Ecclipse is 
visible) and the proportionablenesse of the Earth to the 
Water, that as much dry Land might be as well on that, 
as on this side the Line : neyther was it likely, that so 
huge a quantitie of the Globe should be covered with 
Waters, which was made principally for the use and habi- 
tation of Man ; or that this Globe was not equally poyzed 
on both sides that Centre, which is one to it and the 
Water ; or that there should be such huge Lands (if they 
were Lands) in this old Age of the World, not inhabited 



by Man, whose Blessing from the Creator was to fill or 
replenish the Earth, renewed againe after the Floud; or Gj». i. 28. 
that the Indies in the East might not in the Earths ^9- «• 
Globositie be as readily found out by the West, following 
the Sunne in his dayly Journey, which with all his Night- 
watch of Starres was as unlike to be there appointed a 
continuall course and circular Race for the Seas or Desart 
Lands. Experiments had also taught him, both by rela- 
tion of the Portugals in their longer Voyages, and in his 
owne on the West of Spaine, that the Westerne Winds 
holding a constant course yeerely, and that also farre off 
at Sea, could not but arise from some Lands further 
Westward, then any yet knowne : And Martin Vincent, a 
Mariner which used the Azores or Terceras, had told him, 
that he was once carried foure hundred and fiftie leagues 
to the West of Cape S. Vincent, and there tooke up a piece Her. Dec i. 
of Wood or Timber, wrought by mans hand, and that, as •'•''•*■ 
farre as he could judge, without Iron, which he imagined 
had come from some Westerne Hand. Pedro Correa, 
which had married his Wives sister, had likewise signified 
to him, that at Puerto Santo he had scene the like Peece 
driven thither by the Westerne Winds, wrought in the 
same fashion : and besides, he had scene great Canes 
which in each knot might containe above two gallons of 
Water, which he also sent to him to see ; which being 
unlikely to grow in the knowne parts of the West, and 
having read of such growing in India, he supposed, that 
some long and violent Westerne Winds had brought them 
thither from thence. The inhabitants also of the Azores 
had told him, that strong West and Northwest Winds had 
brought by Sea upon Graciosa and Fayal certaine Pine 
trees, two dead men also on the Coast of Flores, with 
larger faces then are usuall in these parts, and of other 
favor, and two Canoas another time driven also by the 
Wind. Antonio Leme of Madera had related, that being 
carried in his Carvile farre Westward, he had seemed to 
see three Hands : And another of that Hand had sued to 
the King of Portugall in the yeere 1484. for licence to 



discover certaine Land which he sware he had seene every 
yeere over-against the Azores. Diego Velazques had 
fortie yeeres before beene carried farre into the West, and 
there observed the Seas and Winds such, as if the Land 
were not farre off, as he affirmed to Columbus : and an- 
other Mariner told him of Land hee had seene farre West 
from Ireland, which is supposed to be New-found-Land. 
Petro de Velasco had signified the like, in his going for 
Ireland ; and Vincent Diaz, a Portugall Pilot, had seemed 
to himselfe, in his returne from Guinea, to see an Hand in 
the height of Madera, for which also search was after 
made, but no discoverie. 

These things argue his laborious Industrie and diligent 
enquirie : his readings of Marco Polo and other Journals 
(that I mention not the Ancients) did not a little animate 
him, as may appeare in his enquirie for Zipango, men- 
tioned by Polo, supposed now to be Japan ; and naming 
Hispaniola Ophir, thinking, or seeming to thinke, that he 
Why America had found out the East Indies. And for that cause was 
called India. xh\^ New World called the Indies also, with distinction of 
West : and this was his maine argument to such Princes 
as he sought to patronize this his discoverie, the riches of 
the East Indies, promised by a Westerne Navigation. 
And herein his resolution was admirable, that howsoever 
some derided as folly, others rejected as impossible, his 
suit, yet he never desisted. 

Hee first propounded it to his Countreymen the 
f j'. ^^""^ Genuois, and found, that a Prophet found no profit at 
*lib \ cat \\ home; he seconded it in Portugall where he dwelt, and 
saith, that he was married at Lisbone, and had learned most of his Art 
was not be- and Intelligence, confirmed therein also by Martin 
leevedatall, Bohemus the Mathematician; but John the second did 

andicence y ^^^ second his desires, as adiudeed vaine by Roderieo and 
the K.tng to gpe ^ 1 1 t 1 r ■' ° . , .■', , o 

fir Castile. Joseph the J ewes, berore mentioned, with other Corn- 
ea/ we have mittees ; which yet moved with his reasons, counselled 
followed the King secretly to send a Carvell, under colour of a 

Herera m the ygyage, to Cape Verde, to make this Discoverie ; wherein 
Ihis relation, crossed with foule Weather, they effected nothing. This 


made him out of love with Portugall, and to send his 
brother Bartholomew to King Henry the seventh of 
England with the same suit : who falling into the hands 
of Pyrats, was forced to sustaine himselfe with making 
Sea-Cards, and so long deferred for want of sutable suites, 
to make his suit and petition to the King, that when it 
was granted, and his brother sent for, hee had sped before 
in Spaine. Thither had hee himselfe repaired in the yeere 
1484. secretly, and by Sea, for feare of the Portugals, 
which had before deluded him : Ferdinand and Isabel the 
Catholike Princes being then busied in Warre against the [I. ii. 10.] 
Mores of Granada. But having spent five yeeres in pur- 
suing his suit, his answer from the Court was, That the 
Kings Treasure was so exhaust in the Conquest of 
Granada, that they could not entertaine new expences : 
tut those being ended, they would better examine his 
intent, and give him dispatch. 

Much was Columbus aggrieved at this answer, yet 
failed not his constancie. Hee caused his desires to be 
made knowne to the Dukes of Medina Cceli, and of 
Medina Sidonia, but with effect like the former. Twice 
hee purposed (as his sonne Fernand Columbus writeth) 
to leave Spaine, and goe himselfe into France or England, 
whence hee had not heard of his brother Bartholomew : 
Taut Divine Providence otherwise disposed. And hee 
which hitherto had not found credit to advance, nay, 
scarcely meanes, but in great part, by the bountie of 
Alphonso di Quintaniglia, the Kings chiefe Auditor, to 
sustaine him, obtained the Letters of Frier Juan Perez de 
Marchena to Frier Fernando di Talovera the Queenes 
Confessor, and at last, by the mediation of the Cardinall 
Mendoza, Archbishop of Toledo, procured audience and 
graunt of the Catholike Kings, Queene Isabel taking 
order with Lewis of S. Angelo to empawne some of her 
Jewels, to the value of two thousand Duckats for his 
Expedition, which yet he lent out of his purse : so low 
was. the Treasure of Spaine, when God offered them the 
"Westerne Treasurie. 




Ovied, Hist, 
dellttd. I. 2. 
c. 5. 

Herera Dec. 
I. /. I. c. 10. 

* Oviedo hath 


Magnanimous Columbus, not broken with Povertie at 
home, with Affronts and Discountenances abroad, with 
imputations of impotent, almost impudent, at least as 
imprudent as importunate fancies of impossible, impas- 
sable Navigations by unknowne Seas to unknowne Lands ! 
not amated so farre, as to abate his Conditions of no small 
nature to him and his heires, as if he had alreadie effected 
his designes: not desiring any reward, except he found 
somewhat answerable to his promise, nor lesse then, than 
the Office and Title of Admirall by Sea, and Vice-Roy on 
Land, with the Tenth of the Profits thorow all the Seas, 
Hands, or firme Lands (to himselfe during his life, and 
after, to his heires and successors) whatsoever he should 
discover : which (saith Oviedo) he enjoyed whiles he lived, 
his Sonne Admirall, James or Don Diego Colombo, after 
him, and his nephew Don Lewis Colombo the Admirall 
at this day. This composition was made betwixt him and 
the Catholike Kings in the Field before Granada, then 
besieged, in the middest of the Armie, the seventeenth 
of April, 1492. as if God would reward their endevours 
and expences, in rooting out the Mores, which had pos- 
sessed those parts of Spaine above seven hundred yeeres, 
with this New Discoverie, so profitable to the Spanish 

§. V. 

Columbus his first Voyage, and improvement 

therein of the Mariners Art. 

N Friday, the third of August, the same yeere, hee 
set forth with his three Caravels from Palos ; him- 
selfe in the Admirall, called * Santa Maria ; the 
Pinta, in which was Captaine Martin Alonso 
and his brother Francisco Martinez Pinzon, 



Master ; the third Ninna, whose Captaine and Master was 

Vincent Yannez Pinzon, which found halfe that eighth 
Mart. Dec. i^ part of the expence which Colombo had covenanted to 
Oviedo. contribute. There were in all (some say) an hundred and 





twenty men ; Herera hath but ninety. On the fourth of 
August, the Rudder of the Pinta proved loose, which they 
fastened as well as they could with Cords, but soone after 
with force of Wind brake, and they were all compelled to 
strike sayle ; which, in such a Voyage as this (they knew 
not whither) could not but be troublesome, and seeme also 
ominous. On the eleventh of August they had sight of 
the Canaries ; where having refreshed themselves in the 
He Gomera, they hasted thence the sixt of September, for 
feare of the Portugals, who had set forth three Carvels to 
take them. The seventh they lost sight of Land, with 
sighes and teares, many of them fearing never to see it 
againe ; whom Don Christopher comforted as well as he 
could, with promises of rich Discoveries : and sayling 
that day *eighteene leagues, he reckoned no more then 
fifteene, diminishing his accompt, to make them seeme 
neerer home. On the foureteenth of September he first 
observed the Variation of the Compas, which no man till 
then had considered, which every day appeared more 
evident. On Sunday, the sixteenth, they saw pieces of 
* Grasse, or Herbes, on the Water, of a pale greene colour, 
and on one of them a Grasse-hopper alive, and some 
signes of Land approching, made some beleeve they had 
scene it. On the nineteenth they saw an Alcatraz (a 
kind of Sea-Fowle) and the next day two, which with 
other Grasse every day encreasing, encreased their hopes 
of Land, save that the Grasse sometimes hindered their 

All this while he had the Wind in poupe, which on the 
two and twentieth of September came crosse at South- 
west; and the Spaniards murmured, that the former 
Winds, which had been large to bring them hither, would 
never permit their returne to Spaine, and now began to 
blame the King and Queene, which had listned to that 
bold Italian, resolving to pursue the Voyage no further 
(the Admirall using all his Wits to the contrarie in vaine, 
mixing with Promises and Prayers, Threats and Menaces) 
alledging, That he thought to make himselfe a great Lord 



* When he had 
runne above 
700. he 
reckoned lesse 
then 600. nor 
their Pilots 
much more 
deceived by 
the toind 
alway large. 
*This Grasse 
they call Sal- 
gasso, floting 
in divers 
places this and 
that way, 
which at first 
terrified them, 
as if they had 
sunken Lands. 

[I.ii. II.] 




with the price of their lives ; and that they had alreadie 
done their dutie, sayling further from Land then ever any 
had : nor ought they to be guiltie of their owne deaths, 
proceeding they knew not whither, till Victuals fayled 
them, which alreadie would scarcely hold out their returne, 
nor yet the Carvels, being alreadie spent, and faultie, with 
other like quarrels: threatning to throw him into the 
Sea, if he would not returne ; and if hee were so desperate 
to perish, they would save themselves. Colombo sweetly 
calmed those tempests with gentle words and rich pro- 
mises, and (as is thought, before agreed upon) talking 
with Vincent Pinzon, suddenly cryed. Land, Land, on the 
five and twentieth of September, which filled them with 
cheare and hope, which yet proved but Clouds : and there- 
fore howsoever the mutinous tempest was for a time 
stilled, yet on the second of October that storme revived 
with such force, that hee having prolonged as farre as hee 
might, with likelier signes dayly of Land, at last he 
indented with them for three dayes. This they promised 
to trie, but not one houre longer ; saying, all were Lyes 
which he had promised. The first of these dayes he 
perceived by the Sunne-set, that Land was neere, and 
commanded, that they should abate their Sayles in the 
Night ; in which Night hee spyed Light. 

Two houres after Midnight, Rodrigo de Triana des- 
cryed Land on the eleventh of October, 1492. which 
when it was day, they saw to be an Hand of fifteene leagues 
compasse, plaine and woodie, with a great Poole of fresh 
Water, the naked people wondring on the shore, thinking 
their Shippes were living Creatures. They went on 
Guanahani,oi Land, and termed it San Salvador, by the Inhabitants 
San Salvador, called Guanahani, one of the lies Lucayos, nine hundred 
and fiftie leagues from the Canaries, and having said a 
Te Deum on his knees, with teares in his eyes, Colombo 
tooke possession in name of the Catholike Kings, Ferdi- 
nand and Isabella, in presence of Rodrigo de Escovedo, 
Notarie ; the Spaniards also acknowledging him for Vice- 
Roy. The people wondred at the Beards, Whitenesse, 


Rod. de 
Triana first 
saw Land. 


Clothing of the Spaniards, who gave them coloured Caps, 
Glasse-beads, and other Toyes. And when they departed, 
the naked Natives followed, some in Canoas, others swim- 
ming after them. They were all naked, their haire bound 
up, their stature meane, bodies well formed, colour like 
those of the Canaries, Olive, painted some blacke, others 
of other colours, in part, or all over the body, as each best 
fancied. They knew not the use of Iron, or Weapons, but 
layd their hands on the edge of the Sword. They saw 
no living Creatures but Parrats among them. They 
trucked for Cotton Yarne, and had Rings of Gold in their 
Nosethrils, which they said that it came from the South, 
where they had a King rich therein. They tooke the 
Spaniards to be men come from Heaven. 

On the fifteenth of October he went seven leagues 
thence to another Hand (which he called Santa Maria de la 
Concecion) the seventeenth, to Fernandina, where the 
Women, with Cotton short Coates, from the Navill to 
the mid Thigh, covered their nakednesse. The fourth 
Hand he called Isabella, and thereof (as of all the former) 
tooke solemn possession. He would not suffer any of 
his companie to take ought from the Natives in any place. 
Thence he passed to Cuba, and went on Land, thinking 
it to be Zipango ; and some Indians which he carried with 
him, signified, that there was Gold and Pearles. He 
sent two Spaniards with two Indians, to search the Coun- 
trey, which found a Towne of fiftie houses of about a 
thousand persons (for a whole Kindred or Linage dwelt 
together in one house) where the people kissed their hands 
and feet, thinking them heavenly Wights, gave them 
Bread of a Root, and perfumed them with certaine Herbes 
burned. They saw store of Cotton growing of it selfe, 
and strange kinds of Birds and Trees. The Spaniards 
had most mind to the Gold which they saw in their Noses, 
of which they questioned these Indians, who answered 
Cubanacan, that is in the midst of Cuba, which the 
Spaniards understood of the Can of Cathay, mentioned 
by Marco Polo. In hope of singular successe ; Martin 




A Conoa is a 
boat made of 
one tree,whieh 
they wrought 
into that forme 
with sharpe 
stones,^ helpe 
of fire : some 
carted but one, 
y some above 
^o.or ^ 
in them. 

S. Maria de la 







Alonso Pinzon left the Admirall, who also left Cuba, 
which he called Juana, in honour of the Prince of Castile, 
to seeke that Hand which he named Hispaniola, before 
Hayti. For having demanded of Zipango in Cuba, the 
Indians thinking hee had meant Cibao, which is one of 
the richest Mines of Hispaniola, directed him thither. 
Here giving a Woman which they tooke. Meat, Drinke, 
and Clothes, he sent with her some of his Indians, which 
reported much good of the Spaniards, whence grew much 
acquaintance betwixt them, and after, with their King 
Guacanagari, which entreated Colombo to come aland. 

A Fort. Here he lost his principall Ship, and erected a Fort, 
called the Nativitie, and understood of the Golden Pro- 
vinces of this Hand : and having good remonstrance of 
his Golden Hopes and Haps also, in exchange for Trifles, 
with some Indians taken with him, leaving eight and 
thirtie Spaniards in his new Fort, after reconciliation with 
Pinzon (the Indians, which carried the Admirals Letter 
to him, attributed their mutuall understanding to some 
Deitie therein) he prepared for his returne. 

Before this, he charged them to behave themselves 
with all due respects to Guacanagari, and to his Indians, 
without wrong to any : and on Friday, the fourth of 
January, in the yeere 1493. (after their account) sayled 

Three Mer- from the Port of Nativitie. He saw three Mermaids 
leaping a good height out of the Sea, Creatures (as hee 
affirmed) not so raire as they are painted, somewhat 

[I. ii. 12.] resembling Men in the face, of which at other times he 
said he had scene on the Coast of Guinea. In his returne, 
he discovered a great part of the Coast of Hispaniola, 
and gave Names to Capes and Harbours. In this Voyage, 
Colombo is said first to have taught the Spaniards, in 
their sayling, to observe the Sunne and Pole in their 
Navigations, which they before knew not. Observing 
by his skill in Astronomie, that the Moone being in con- 
junction with Mercury, and opposition with Jupiter, and 
the Sunne also in like opposition, to produce great 
Windes, hee made some stay, and had new commerce 




with other Indians, where accidentally happened the first 
quarrell and skirmish betwixt the Spaniards and Natives. 
But soone after their King sent them his Crowne of Gold, 
and much Victuall, and gave them further intelligence. 
From this Gulfe de las Flechas, or of Arrowes, on Wed- 
nesday the seventeenth of Januarie, hee departed, and 
made homewards : in which it is observed, that as in 
their way to the Indies, having the Wind large, they 
reckoned farre fewer leagues then they sayled, so in their 
returne they accounted more, the Admirals reckoning 
being a hundred and fiftie lesse then theirs. 

A tedious Tempest befell them in Februarie : wherein Pilgrimages 
other remedies seeming to fayle, they vowed Pilgrimages ^'^^"• 
to our Lady by Lot ; the first fell on the Admirall him- 
selfe, to Guadalupe ; the second to Loretto, on Pedro de 
Villa; and a third Vow was common to all, that they 
should at the first Church of our Lady they came to, 
make Procession in their shirts, with other like devoted 

How unlike was this to that of the Psalmist, in like P'- '°7- ^4. 
stormes happening: to them that see the Wonders of the *5>2o,27,28, 
Lord in the Deepe. For the Lord commandeth and ^' ^ ' ^ • 
rayseth the stormie Wind, which lifteth up the Waves 
thereof. They mount up to the Heaven, they goe downe 
againe to the Depths, their Soule is melted because of 
trouble. They reele too and fro, and stagger like a 
drunken man, and are at their wits end. Then they cry 
unto the Lord in their trouble, and he bringeth them out 
of their distresses. He maketh the Storme a Calme, so 
that the Waves thereof are still. Then are they glad, 
because they be quiet. So he bringeth them unto their 
desired Haven. O that men would prayse the Lord (not 
goe on Pilgrimage to our Lady) for his goodnesse and 
for his wonderful! workes to the children or men, &c. 

The Psalmist in like case is to distressed Mariners a Providence, 
better Admirall then Colombo, whose devotion herein ^""^^^'m^ 
fayled in the Object. Yet his diligence and wisedome in \^" ^"' 
this is to be commended, that fearing shipwracke, lest this 




famous Discoverie might also be lost, he writ the whole 
Discourse in Parchment, and folding it in a Seare-cloth, 
he put it in a Barrell or' Hogs-head, which he threw into 
the Sea. 

But on the fifteenth of February they saw Land, being 
S. Maries Hand, one of the Azores; where going on 
shore to fulfill their vowed Pilgrimage, the Governour 
came upon them, and after many words told them, that 
hee had order from the King of Portugall to take them. 
But making an escape, another Storme tooke them, and 
caused another Pilgrimage to be vowed to our Lady of 
Bar. Dec. i. Cinta, the Lot falling on the Admirall : And thus was he 
/. 3. r. II. forced to Lisbone; where, after much contesting with 
the Portugals, the King sent for him, being now much 
grieved for omitting such an opportunitie ; yet used him 
kindly, although there were that offered to kill Colombo, 
before hee should carry newes of this Discoverie to Spaine ; 
the rather, for his boldnesse, objecting to the King his 
neglect. But the gentle King reproved these cruell 
Gentlemen, and after kind usage, licenced him to depart. 

True it is, that the Portugall Nation have in their 
Bookes and Writings sought to obscure this Exploit of 
Columbus, attributing it rather to a Dreame of Zipango 
out of Marco Polo, and his confident glorious natvire, 
seconded by successe unlocked for (for which as idle 
imaginations, their King had refused his offer) then any 
such excellencie as the Castilian Writers ascribe to him. 
Envy. But Envy is the darke shadow, that alwayes foUowes him 

at the heeles, which walkes in the bright Sunne-light of 
Vertue and high Attempts. Even the Spaniards them- 
selves, not only by the tale of the Pilot before mentioned, 
but by light esteeme of his worth have shewed a con- 
temptible contempt of him : some of whom objecting to 
himselfe the easinesse of this Discoverie, as he sate at 
Table, he prayed to make an Egge, which then he gave 
them, to stand on end ; which when they could not, hee 
bruising the shell, and making the end flat, made it to 
stand thereon : thereby insinuating, how easie it was for 



them to doe that which they had seene and learned of 

Yea, the Pinzons, his chiefe Associates, by like spirit 
of proud Envy, maligned him ; one of which had, after 
the Islands discovered, forsaken him, as yee have heard : 
which hee was forced to dissemble, and be reconciled, the 
most of his companie being of kinne to the Pinzons, or 
at lest inhabitants of Palos with them. They also entred 
suit with Colombo, and arrogated to their owne valovir 
this Discoverie, which Columbus would (after so many 
dayes not finding Land) have forsaken, but was proceeded 
in by their resolution. And in his third Voyage 1494. 
Roldanus Ximenius raysed a Rebellion in those parts, 
and effected, that Bovadilla was sent Governour into 
Hispaniola, who sent the Admirall, with his Brother, 
Prisoners all the way, of his long discoverie into Spaine, 
for which he had so adventured. These Iron Chaynes 
could cold Envy, for so much Gold, for such a World, 
render unto that Worthy of Men. But the Catholike 
Kings of higher Spirits (for Envy, the first sinne we read [I. ii. 13.] 
of in the Devill, and which made him a Devill, as Ter- Impatientue 
tuUian and Cyprian in their Tractates of Patience have "n-^L^jJ/"' 
observed, the first also in the first-borne Man, which made ^^^^5 /j;^. 
him an incarnate Devill and Murtherer, is but the sinke bolus jam turn 
and settled Dregs of Basenesse, which wanting proper ^^f -O^*^ 
worth, malignes it to others) these much honoured Colum- ^^^^H'^^f^^'' 
bus, as well they might, and confirmed his Priviledges jn-isset, im- 
anew, besides many speciall graces done him, as did also patlentertulit. 
the Cardinall of Spaine, and still is done by their ingenu- Nee enim^ 
ous Writers, Oviedo, Herera, and others. dokisset si 

This Storie at large I have set downe, that Discoverers „^^ invidhset 
may by this example learne to digest greater Stormes at si non dokisset. 
home, then the boysterous Elements in their tempestuous Ten. depati- 
Conspiracie yeeld them ; and to know, that Pusillanimitie ^"'"^• 
and Impatience are the unfittest Attempters in the World. 
The Spaniards other Discoveries in the American parts 
(for so were they called of Americus Vesputius, a Floren- 
tine, who accompanied Colombo in his first Voyage, and 




Cyp. de bono 
pat. Diabolus 
hominem ad 
imapnem Dei 
factum im- 
patienter tulit, 
inde \£ ptr'tit. 
primus isf 


after discovered a greater part of the Continent then the 
Admirall had, as Cabota in that did more then they both) 
I list not to pursue ; easie it is to know, that Gold bartered 
for Glasse, Beads, Needles, and other Toyes, would be 
strongly active, and strangely attractive to new Dis- 
coveries. Dimidium facti qui bene caepit, habet. Cortes 
his Conquest of Mexico, and Pizarro his Peru were not 
comparable to their Masters Master-Peece, who found 
the New World, to find them worke. Before Colombo 
went his second Voyage, he left a Card, contayning the 
description of the whole Navigation and Discoverie, in 
Spaine with the Kings, and his sonnes. Pages to the 

§. VI. 

Of the Popes Bull made to Castile, touching the 
New World. 

He Catholike Kings, presently after that first Dis- 
coverie, gave accompt thereof to the Pope, which 
then was Alexander the sixt (before named Borgia, 
a Spaniard of Valentia) by his Embassadour, and desired 
his favour for the Crowne of Castile and Lions, in the 
Grant of those New Discoveries, made or to be made : For 
long since had the Pope challenged Christs right over the 
Christian World. Adrian the fourth, in his Letters of 
Ireland to King Henry the second afllirmeth, That all 
Hands under the Sunne, of righteousnesse belong to 
Papall disposition. This seconjl Alexander, in Gods 
right, daymes all the World : & in ordine ad Deum, for 
the conversion (forsooth) to the Faith, the temporall 
Estates of the whole World are by his Parasites usually 
put under that triple Diademe. So they thought, or so 
would seeme to thinke, in regard of Papall Grants before 
to the Crowne of Portugall (whence was like to arise some 
grievance and impediment to their Affaires, as pretending 
a Monopoly, by former Dispensation in Indian Dis- 
coveries) and therefore sought this favour of that Monster 



of Men, then sitting in that Chayre. This Bull, because 
it is not common, I have here transcribed. 

Exemplar Bullas seu Donationis, Autoritate cujus, 
Episcopus Romanus Alexander ejus nominis 
sextus, concessit & donavit Castellae Regibus 
& suis successoribus, Regiones & Insulas 
Novi Orbis. 

ALexander Episcopus, servus servorum Dei, Charis- Hanc Bullam 
simo in Christo filio Ferdinando Regi, & Charissima: Q^^'^^^ff/' 
in Christo filise Elizabeth Reginae Castellae, Legionis, ^^^^ gen. parte 
Arragonum, Siciliae, & Granatae, illustribus, salutem & 2. f. 19. y 
Apostolicam Benedictionem. *• ^den. 

Inter caetera Divinae Majestati beneplacita opera & cordis 
nostri desiderabilia, illud profecto potissimum existit ut 
fides Catholica & Christiana, Religio nostris praesertim 
temporibus exaltetur ac ubilibet amplietur ac dilatetur, 
animarumque salus procuretur, ac barbarae Nationes 
deprimantur & ad fidem ipsam reducantur. Unde cum 
ad hanc sacram Petri Sedem Divina favente dementia 
(meritis licet imparibus) evocati flierimus, cognoscentes 
vos tanquam veros Catholicos Rages & Principes : quales 
semper ruisse novimus, & a vobis praeclare gesta, toti penae 
Orbi notissima demonstrant, nedum id exoptare, sed omni 
conatu, studio, & diligentia, nuUis laboribus, nuUis 
impensis, nullisque parcendo periculis, etiam proprium 
sanguinem effundendo efBcere, ac omnem animum ves- [I. "• H-] 
trum, omnesque conatus ad hoc jam dudum dedicasse, 
quemadmodum recuperatio Regni Granatae a Tyrannide 
Saracenorum hodiernis temporibus per vos, cum tanta 
Divini nominis gloria facta, testatur. Digne ducimur 
non immerito, & debemus ilia vobis etiam sponte, ac 
favorabiliter concedere per quae hujusmodi sanctum ac 
laudabile ab immortali Deo acceptum propositum, indies 
ferventiori animo ad ipsius Dei honorem & Imperii Chris- 
tiani propagationem, prosequi valeatis. Sane accepimus 
quod vos qui dudum animum proposueratis aliquas Insulas 
" 33 c 



& Terras firmas remotas & incognitas, ac per alios hactenus 
non repertas, quserere & invenire, ut illarum incolas & 
habitatores ad colendum redemptorem nostrum & fidem 
Catholicam profitendum reduceretis, hactenus in expug- 
natione & recuperatione ipsius Regni Granatse pliorimum 
occupati, hujusmodi sanctum & laudabile propositum 
vestrum ad optatum finem perducere nequivistis. Sed 
tandem, sicut Domino placuit. Regno praedicto recuperato, 
volentes desiderium vestrum adimplere, dilectum filium 
Christophorum Colonum, virum, utique dignum, & pluri- 
mum commendatum, ac tanto negotio aptum, cum 
Navigiis & hominibus ad similia instructis, non sine 
maximis laboribus, ac periculis, & expensis destinastis ut 
Terras firmas & Insulas remotas & incognitas, hujusmodi 
per Mare ubi hactenus Navigatum non fuerat, diligenter 
inquireret. Qui tandem (Divino auxilio facta extrema 
diligentia in Mari Oceano Navigantes) certas Insulas 
remotissimas, & etiam Terras firmas, quae per alios 
hactenus repertae non fuerant, invenerunt. In quibus 
plurimae gentes pacifice viventes, & (ut asseritur) nudi 
incedentes, nee carnibus vescentes, inhabitant : Et ut 
praefati Nuncii vestri possunt opinari, gentes ipsae in 
Insulis, & terris praedictis habitantes, credunt unum Deum 
Creatorem in Coelis esse, ac ad fidem Catholicam amplex- 
andum & bonis moribus imbuendum, satis apti videntur : 
Spesque habetur, quod si erudirentur, nomen salvatoris 
Domini nostri Jesu Christi in Terris & Insulis praedictis 
facile induceretur. Ac praefatus Christophorus in una ex 
principalibus Insulis praedictis, jam unam turrim satis 
munitam, in qua certos Christianos qui secum inerant in 
custodiam, & ut alias Insulas ac Terras firmas remotas & 
incognitas inquirerent posuit, construi & aedificari fecit. 
In quibus quidem Insulis & terris jam repertis, Aurum, 
Aromata, & aliae quam plurimae res praeciosae diversi 
generis & diversae qualitatis reperiuntur. Unde omnibus 
diligenter, & praesertim fidei Catholicae exaltatione & dila- 
tione (prout decet Catholicos Reges & Principes) conside- 
ratis, more progenitorum vestrorum clarae memoriae 



Regum, Terras firmas & Insulas prsedictas, illarumque 
Incolas & Habitatores, vobis Divina favente dementia 
subjicere, & ad fidem Catholicam reducere proposuistis. 
Nos itaque hujusmodi vestrum sanctum & laudabile pro- 
positum plurimum in Domino commendantes, ac cupientes 
ut illud ad debitum finem perducatur, & ipsum nomen 
salvatoris nostri in partibus illis inducatur, hortamur vos 
quamplurimum in Domino, & per sacri lavacri suscep- 
tionem, qua mandatis Apostolicis obligati estis, ut per 
viscera misericordise Domini nostri Jesu Christi attente 
requirimus, ut cum expeditionem hujusmodi omnino pro- 
sequi & assumere prona mente Orthodoxse fidei zelo inten- 
datis, populos in hujusmodi Insuljs & Terris degentes, ad 
Christianam Religionem suscipiendum inducere velitis & 
debeatis, nee pericula nee labores ullo unquam tempore 
vos deterreant, firma spe fiduciaque conceptis, quod Deus 
omnipotens conatus vestros foeliciter prosequetur. Et ut 
tanti Negotii Provinciam Apostolicse gratise largitate 
donati, liberius & audacius assumatis, motu proprio non 
ad vestram vel alterius, pro vobis super hoc nobis oblatae 
petitionis instantiam sed de nostra mera liberalitate, & 
ex certa scientia, ac de Apostolicse potestatis plenitudine, 
omnes Insulas & Terras firmas inventas & inveniendas, 
detectas & detegendas versus Occidentem & Meridiem, 
fabricando & construendo unam lineam a Polo Arctico, 
scilicet Septentrione, ad Polum Antarcticum, scilicet Meri- 
diem, sive Terrae firmae & Insulae inventae, & inveniendse 
sint, versus Indiam, aut versus aliam quamcunque partem, 
quae linea distet a qualibet Insularum, quae vulgariter 
nuncupantur de los Azores, & Cabo Verde centum leucis, 
versus Occidentem & Meridiem. Itaque omnes Insula; & 
Terrae firmas repertae & reperiendas, detectae & detegendas 
k praefata linea versus Occidentem & Meridiem, quae per 
alium Regem aut Principem Christianum non fuerint 
actualiter possessae usque ad diem Nativitatis Domini 
nostri Jesu Christi proxime praeteritum, k quo incipit 
Annus prassens Millessimus quadringentessimus nonoges- 
simus tertius, quando fuerunt per Nuncios & Capitaneos [I. ii. 15.] 




vestros inventae aliquse praedictarum Insularum, Autoritate 
Omnipotentis Dei nobis in beato Petro concessa, ac 
Vicariatus Jesu Christi, qua fungimur in Terris, cum 
omnibus illarum Dominiis, Civitatibus, Castris, Locis, & 
Villis, juribusque & jurisdictionibus ac pertinentiis uni- 
versis vobis, haeredibusque, & successoribus vestris (Cas- 
tellae & Legionis Regibus) in perpetuum tenore praesen- 
tium donamus, concedimus, & assignamus : Vosque, & 
hasredes, ac successores praefatos illarum Dominos, cum 
plena, libera, & omnimoda potestate, autoritate, & juris- 
dictione, facimus, constituimus, & deputamus. Decer- 
nentes nihilo minus, per hujusmodi donationem, con- 
cessionem, & assignationem nostram, nulli Christiano 
Principi, qui actualiter praefatas Insulas & Terras firmas 
possederit usque ad praedictum diem Nativitatis Domini 
nostfi Jesu Christi jus quaesitum, sublatum intelligi posse, 
aut auferri debere. 

Et insuper mandamus vobis in virtute sanctas obedientias 
(ut sicut poUicemini & non dubitamus pro vestra maxima 
devotione & Regia magnanimitate vos esse facturos) 
ad Terras firmas & Insulas praedictas, viros probos & 
Deum timentes, doctos, peritos, & expertos ad instruen- 
dum Incolas & habitatores prasfatos in fide Catholica, & 
bonis moribus imbuendum, destinare debeatis, omnem 
debitam diligentiam in prsemissis adhibentes. Ac quibus- 
cunque personis, cujuscunque dignitatis, etiam Imperialis 
& Regalis status, gradus, ordinis vel conditionis, sub 
excommunicationis latae sententias poena quam eo ipso, 
si contra fecerint incurrant, districtius inhibemus ne ad 
Insulas & Terras firmas inventas & inveniendas, detectas 
& detegendas versus Occidentem & Meridiem, fabricando 
& construendo lineam a Polo Arctico ad Polum Ant- 
arcticum, sive Terrae firmas & Insulae inventae & inveniendas 
sint versus Indiam aut versus aliam quamcunque partem, 
quae linea distet a qualibet Insularum, quae vulgariter 
nuncupantur de los Azores, & Cabo Verde centum leucis 
versus Occidentem & Meridiem ut praefertur, pro merci- 
bus habendis, vel quavis alia causa accedere prassumat, 



absque vestra ac hasredum & successorum vestrorum 
prasdictorum licentia speciali : Non obstantibus consti- 
tutionibus & ordinationibus Apostolicis, caeterisque quibus- 
cunque : in illo in quo Imperia & Dominationes & bona 
cuncta procedunt, Confidentes quod dirigente Domino 
actus vestros, si hujusmodi sanctum ac laudabile proposi- 
tum prosequamini, brevi tempore cum foslicitate & gloria 
totius populi Christiani, vestri labores & conatus exitum 
foelicissimum consequentur. Verum quia difficile foret 
pra;sentes literas ad singula quseque loca in quibus ex- 
pediens fuerit deferri, volumus ac motu & scientia 
similibus decernimus, quod illarum transsumptis manu 
publici Notarii indi rogati subscriptis, & sigillo alicujus 
personae in Ecclesiastica dignitate constitutae, seu Curiae 
Ecclesiasticas munitis, ea prorsus fides in judicio & extra, 
ac alias ubilibet adhibeatur, quae prassentibus adhiberetur 
si essent adhibitae vel ostensae. 

NuUi ergo omnino hominum liceat banc Paginam 
nostras commendationis, hortationis, requisitionis, dona- 
tionis, concessionis, assignationis, constitutionis, depu- 
tationis, decreti, mandati, inhibitionis, & voluntatis, 
infringere, vel ei auso temerario contraire. Si quis autem 
hoc attentare praesumpserit, indignationem Omnipotentis 
Dei, ac beatorum Petri & Pauli Apostolorum ejus, se 
noverit incursurum. 

Datum Romae apud Sanctum Petrum, Anno Incarnationis 

Dominicae 1493. quarto nonas Maii, Pontificatus 

nostri, anno primo. 

The same Englished. 

ALexander Bishop, the Servant of the Servants of This was 
God, to our most deare beloved Sonne in Christ, S.^^^"'^ 
King Ferdinando, and to our deare beloved Daughter in ji;_ £^^„^ 
Christ, Elizabeth, Queene of Castile, Legion, Arragon, 1577. 
Sicilie, and Granata, most Noble Princes, greeting, and 
Apostolicall Benediction. 

Among other Workes acceptable to the Divine 
Majestie, and according to our hearts desire, this certainely 




is the chiefe, that the Catholike Faith and Christian 

[I. ii. 1 6.] Religion, specially in this our time, may in all places be 
exalted, amplified, and enlarged, whereby the health of 
Soules may bee procured, and the barbarous Nations sub- 
dued and brought to the Faith. And therefore, whereas 
by the favour of Gods Clemencie (although not without 
equall deserts) we are called to this holy Seat of Peter, 
and understanding you to be true Catholike Princes, as 
wee have ever knowne you, and as your noble and worthy 
Facts have declared in manner to the whole World, in 
that with all your studie, diligence, and industry, you 
have spared no Travailes, Charges, or Perils, adventuring 
even the shedding of your owne Bloud, with applying 
your whole Mindes and Endevours hereunto, as your 
Noble Expeditions atchieved in recovering the King- 
dome of Granata from the Tyrannie of the Sarracens in 
these our dayes, doe plainely declare your Facts, with so 
great Glory of the Divine Name. For the which, as wee 
thinke you worthy, so ought wee of our owne free will 
favourably to graunt you all things, whereby you may 
dayly, with more fervent mindes, to the honour of God, 
and enlarging the Christian Empire, prosecute your 
devout and laudable Purpose, most acceptable to the 
Immortall God. Wee are credibly informed, that whereas 
of late you were determined to seeke and finde certaine 
Hands and firme Lands, farre remote and unknowne (and 
not heretofore found by any other) to the intent to bring 
the Inhabitants of the same to honour our Redeemer, and 
to professe the Catholike Faith, you have hitherto beene 
much occupied in the expugnation and recoverie of the 
Kingdome of Granata, by reason whereof you could not 
bring your said laudable Purpose to the end desired. 
Neverthelesse, as it hath pleased Almightie God, the fore- 
said Kingdome being recovered, willing to accomplish 
your said Desire, you have, not without great Labour, 
Perils, and Charges, appointed our wel beloved Sonne 
Christopher Colonus (a man certes well commended, as 
most worthy and apt for so great a Matter) well furnished 



with Men and Ships, and other Necessaries, to seelce (by 
the Sea, where hitherto no man hath sayled) such firme 
Lands and Hands farre remote, and hitherto unknowne, 
who (by Gods helpe) making diligent search in the Ocean 
Sea, have found certaine remote Hands and firme Lands, 
which were not heretofore found by any other : in the 
which (as is said) many Nations inhabite, living peaceably, ^~ 
and going naked, not accustomed to eate Flesh ; and as 
farre as your Messengers can conjecture, the Nations in- 
habiting the foresaid Lands and Hands, beleeve that there 
is one God, Creator in Heaven, and seeme apt to bee 
brought to the imbracing of the Catholike Faith, and to 
be endued with good Manners : by reason whereof, wee 
may hope, that if they be well instructed, they may easily 
be induced to receive the Name of our Saviour Jesus 
Christ. Wee are further advertised, that the fore-named / 
Christopher hath now builded and erected a Fortresse, / 
with good Munition, in one of the foresaid principal! 
Hands, in the which he hath placed a Garrison of certaine 
of the Christian men that went thither with him, as well 
to the intent to defend the same, as also to search other 
Hands and firme Lands farre remote, and yet unknowne. 
Wee also understand, that in these Lands and Hands lately 
found, is great plentie of Gold and Spices, with divers ' 
and many other precious things, of sundry kinds and i 
qualities. Therefore all things diligently considered 
(especially the amplifying and enlarging of the Catholike 
Faith, as it behoveth Catholike Princes, following the 
examples of your Noble Progenitors, of famous Memorie) 
you have determined, by the favour of Almightie God, to 
subject unto you the firme Lands and Hands aforesaid, 
and the Dwellers and Inhabitants thereof, and to bring 
them to the Catholike Faith. 

Wee greatly commending this your godly and laudable 
purpose in our Lord, and desirous to have the same 
brought to a due end, and the Name of our Saviour to be 
knowne in those parts, doe exhort you in our Lord, and 
by the receiving of your holy Baptisme, whereby you are 




bound to Apostolicall Obedience, and earnestly require 
you by the Bowels of Mercie of our Lord Jesus Christ, 
that when you intend, for the zeale of the Catholike Faith, 
to prosecute the said Expedition, to reduce the People of 
the foresaid Lands and Hands to the Christian Religion, 
you shall spare no Labours at any time, or be deterred 
[I. ii. 17.] with any Perils, conceiving firme hope and confidence, 
that the Omnipotent God will give good successe to your 
godly Attempts. And that being authorised by the 
Priviledge of the Apostolicall Grace, you may the more 
freely and boldly take upon you the Enterprise of so great 
a Matter, wee of our owne motion, and not eyther at your 
request, or at the instant petition of any other person, but 
of our owne meere liberalitie and certaine science, and by 
the fulnesse of Apostolicall power, doe give, grant, and 
assigne to you, your heires and successors, all the firme 
Lands and Hands found or to be found, discovered or to 
be discovered, toward the West and South, drawing a 
Line from the Pole Artike to the Pole Antartike (that is) 
from the North to the South : Contayning in this Dona- 
tion, whatsoever firme Lands or Hands are found, or to 
be found toward India, or toward any other part whatso- 
ever it be, being distant from, or without the foresaid 
Line, drawne a hundred Leagues toward the West, and 
South, from any of the Hands which are commonly called 
De los Azores and Capo Verde. All the Hands therefore, 
and firme Lands, found and to be found, discovered and 
to be discovered, from the said Line toward the West and 
South, such as have not actually beene heretofore possessed 
by any other Christian King or Prince, untiU the day of 
the Nativitie of our Lord Jesu Christ last past, from the 
which beginneth this present yeere, being the yeere of our 
Lord a thousand foure hundred ninetie three, when soever 
any such shall bee found by your Messengers and Cap- 
taines, wee by the Authoritie of Almightie God, graunted 
unto us in Saint Peter, and by the Vicarship of Jesus 
Christ which wee beare on the Earth, doe for ever, by the 
tenour of these presents, give, grant, assigne, unto you, 



your heires and successors (the Kings of Castile and 
Legion) all those Lands and Hands, with their Dominions, 
Territories, Cities, Castles, Towers, Places, and Villages, 
with all the Rights and Jurisdictions thereunto pertaining ; 
constituting, assigning, and deputing you, your heires 
and successors, the Lords thereof, with full and free 
Power, Authoritie, and Jurisdiction : Decreeing neverthe- 
lesse by this our Donation, Grant, and Assignation, that 
from no Christian Prince, which actually hath possessed 
the foresaid Hands and firme Lands, unto the day of the 
Nativitie of our Lord beforesaid, their Right obtained, to 
be understood hereby to be taken away, or that it ought ,/ ' 
to be taken away. Furthermore, wee command you in 
the vertue of holy Obedience (as you have promised, and 
as wee doubt not you will doe, upon meere Devotion 
and Princely Magnimitie) to send to the said firme 
Lands and Hands, honest, vertuous, and learned 
men, such as feare God, and are able to instruct 
the Inhabitants in the Catholike Faith and good 
Manners, applying all their possible diligence in 
the premisses. Wee furthermore straitly inhibite all ' 
manner of persons, of what state, degree, order, or con- 
dition soever they be, although of Imperial! and Regall 
Dignitie, under the paine of the Sentence of Excommuni- 
cation, which they shall incurre, if they doe to the con- 
trary, That they in no case presume, without speciall 
Licence of you, your heires, and successors, to travaile for 
Marchandizes, or for any other cause, to the said Lands 
or Hands, found or to be found, discovered or to be dis- 
covered, toward the West and South, drawing a Line 
from the Pole Artike to the Pole Antartike, whether the 
firme Lands and Hands, found and to be found, be situate 
toward India, or toward any other part, being distant from 
the Line drawne a hundred Leagues toward the West, 
from any of the Hands commonly called De los Azores 
and Capo Verde : Notwithstanding Constitutions, Decrees, 
and Apostolicall Ordinances whatsoever they are to the 
contrary. In him from whom Empires, Dominions, and 




all good things doe proceede: Trusting, that Almightie 
God, directing your Enterprises, if you follow your godly 
and laudable Attempts, your Labours and Travailes 
herein, shall in short time obtaine a happie end, with 
felicitie and glorie of all Christian People. But foras- 
much as it should be a thing of great difficultie, these 
Letters to be carried to all such places as should be 
expedient ; wee will, and of like motion and knowledge 
doe decree. That whither soever the same shall be sent, or 
wheresoever they shall be received, with the subscription 
of a common Notarie thereunto required, with the Seale 
[I. ii. 1 8.] of any person constitute in Ecclesiasticall Dignitie, or 
such as are authorized by the Ecclesiasticall Court, the 
same faith and credite to be given thereunto in Judge- 
ment, or elsewhere, as should be exhibited to these Pre- 

Let no man therefore whatsoever infringe or dare rashly 
to contrary this Letter of our Commendation, Exhortation, 
Request, Donation, Grant, Assignation, Constitution, 
Deputation, Decree, Commandement, Inhibition, and 
I Determination. And if any shall presume to attempt the 
same, let him know, that hee shall thereby incurre the 
Indignation of Almightie God, and his holy Apostles, 
Peter and Paul. 

Given at Rome at Saint Peters, In the yeere of the 

Incarnation of ovir Lord 1493. The fourth day 

of the Nones of May, the first yeere of 

our Popedome. 

Animadversions on the said Bull of Pope 

ALthough some deny libertie of Examination and Cen- 
sure to Historians, but will have them leave all to 
the Judgement of the Readers, to conclude what their owne 
Judgements shall gather out of Historicall Premisses: 
'■Seneca. Yet because wee write "vitse non Scholse, and Historic 
^Cicero. is not ^onely vita Memorise, but Magistra vitee, is the 
Schoole of Divine Providence, wherein by Example is 



alway read that Rule, Discite justitiam monti ; let me 
have like leave as almost all Historians, Divine, Ecclesias- 
ticall, and Humane, have with thankes also obtained : 
And let the severer Criticke call it a Digression, or Par- 
enthesis, or what he pleaseth, so it may profit the feebler 
feet of such as may stumble hereat, and confirme the 
firmer and more resolved : Difficile est Satyram non 
scribere. It is almost necessarie in this Treatise of Navi- 
gations (most of which are, or seeme thereby inhibited) 
not to suffer this Bull (as Butcherly in sequele, as those 
the Statute includeth) to passe unbaited. 

It was now the time that the Antichristian Kingdome 
was growne to the height, and began to sinke under the 
weight of it selfe, and the Prophecies of the Churches 
Restauration and Reformation began to ripen and hasten 
to the Birth, when this '' Borgia ascended the Papall 
Throne, stiling himselfe Alexander, a Name ominous to 
the World, to the Church, and to themselves ; in some, 
to some of them ; in this (the totall summe of Mischiefe) 
to all. This appeared in that Great Macedonian, who was 
called "^Foelix terrarum prsedo ; and to whom a ''Pyrate, 
charged with Sea-rovings, objected his greater World- 
rovings and robbings, this onely diifering, that the one 
did little with his little Ship, and therefore was called a 
Theefe, the other doing great harme with his great Army, 
was siu-named Great : who after his great Conquests, and 
greater ambition of Deitie, with a little Poyson was con- 
fined to his little Earth, a few Feet, a few handfuls of 
Dust; leaving the Ptolemeys and Seleucida, which suc- 
ceeded in part of his State, to exceed in crueltie to the 

To the Christian Church, such have beene the Popes 
that have named themselves Alexanders. Thus Alex- 
ander the second (the first that assumed that Name, 
rejecting Anselmus, which in his Baptisme hee had 
received) brought forth a Schisme with his Papacie, pro- 
ceeded like an Alexander in Warres, and died in Prison 
(as some thinke of Poyson) to give place to 'Hildebrand, 



c. 1621. 

'^He was 
before called 
Borgia, a 
Spaniard of 
^ Luc an. 
" Aug. de Civ. 
Dei, I. 4. c. 4. 
Quid tibi ut 
Orbem terra- 
7'um? sedquia 
id ego exigtto 
facio naz/igio, 
latro vacor, 
quia iu magna 
classe, imper- 

'Ben. Card. 
Bal. i^c. vid. 
script, fit. 
Pontif. de hec 
y seq. PP. 


c. 1621. 

. the true Scanderbeg of the Papacie. The next Alexander 
hath mm '^'^ was procreated in ^^Schisme, betrayed Frederike the 
Testimonies of Emperour to the Soldan, sending him his Picture to that 
their owne end, and after degenerating from the Macedonian Alex- 
anders Humanitie, trode on his Necke in the Temple of 
S. Marke at Venice, and prophaned Scripture, super 
aspidem &c. to that Diabolicall Designe ; first made the 
Law of Canonization, and then with devout Bernard 
canonized T. Becket*" (an Angell of Light, and of Darke- 
nesse yoaked together, this being murthered or martyred 
in the Devils Quarrell) had at once (beyond all Alexanders 
Pompe) the Kings of England' and France attending on 
foot, and holding his Bridle. The next Alexander began 
with Excommunications, Persecutions, Warres against 
Manfrede King of Sicilia, which to maintaine, hee used 
Extortions and Exactions, such as had never beene heard 
of, ''the Cry whereof ascended to God, the Lord of 
Revenge, that the Bishop of London protested he would 
rather loose his head, the Bishop of Yorke writ to him, to 
feede, not to shere, to flay, to eviscerate, to devoure the 
Sheepe like a hungry Wolfe, as Matthew Paris, who then 
lived, recordeth. The Tenth which was granted for the 
Holy Land, and the prizes of Absolution for Homicide, 
"testifieth)from Treason, Sodomie, Witchcraft, Perjurie, and all Crimes, 
the King, and he thus imployed ; and after that publike Pestilence of the 
justly therefore Decretales published, he died of Thought, Event not 
by Dwine seconding his Alexander-like Designes. The fifth Alex- 
ander' was produced in the greatest Schisme that ever 
befell the Papacie ; he deposed Ladislaus King of Naples, 
and gave that Scepter to Lewis the Duke of Anjou ; as 
also the Kingdome of the Romans, from Rupertus to 
Wenceslaus ; guided in all things by Balthasar, full of 
fiercenesse and secularitie ; hee died of Poyson, given him 
by his Physician, at the procurement of Balthasar his 

Authors : see 
it maintained 
by Morn. 
Myst. Iniq. 
pag. ii^.tn 

Fid. Sim. 
Schard ex 
vita F. Germ, 
^He main- 
tained the 
Popes power 
against the 
King, and the 
Clerffes im- 
had committed 
above a hun- 
dred Mur- 
thers, as 
Neubrig. I. 2. 
then living, 

{though with 
humane In- 
justice) was 
[I. ii. 19.] 
^King Henry 
the second held 

the Bridle to 

the Popes Legate twice, and suffered many stripes on his naked flesh with Roddes. '^Etsi ilia 
Curia f deles Christi multoties excruciaverit, numquam tamen tarn lethaliter sauciavit, 
l^c. Mat. Par. 1255. 'S« Theod. de Nicm, which lived with him, his three last 
Chapters of the third book. 



successor, leaving a yeere of Pestilence and Famine to 
infest the World. 

But this sixt Alexander was Heire of all their Vices ; 

ifi fit. Al. 6. 
"Bel. de R. 


c. 1621. 

"Whence those 
Verses, Vendit 
Cruces, Alta- 

who having procreated many Bastards, procured the Pap- ria,Chrhtum, 
acie™ by Simonie (some adde, Diabolicall * Contracts) to Venderejure 
advance them and himselfe, with unjust Justice miserably P'^^hfrnerat 
plaguing those Simoniacall " Cardinals, which for Price ♦ ^3/'*^ ^ 
and Promise had exalted this Plague-sore into that Chayre Uar. Euseb. 
of Pestilence, where hee acted the Monster of Men, or was Cap. 
indeed rather an incarnate Devill. Bellarmine " himselfe "^^ Onuph. 
(a man not of the tenderest Forhead) blusheth at his 
Name, though ashamed of that shame, hee returnes with p^^t_ 
greater impudence, and from the immanitie of this and prafat. 
some other Popes, would have us more admire the sted- 
fastnesse of that Romish Rocke, which hath sustained 
such portentuous Beasts, as an argument of Divine Pro- 
vidence, that the Gates of Hell shall never prevaile (and 
what else but Vices, are the Gates of Hell!) against it. 
In vaine doe we Heretikes labour to set forth the Vices 
of some Popes, which themselves confesse, but so, that the 
glory of that See is thereby exceedingly amplified. 
Egregiam vero laudem! An exceeding amplification of 
Bellarmine his Wit! 'Onuphrius, Jovius, Guicciardine, ^ 
Volaterrane, and others of their owne seeme amazed at ^p^fl' ^" 
this mans Monstrositie, though Vices be no rarities in eamtotusln- 
Popes, and of the ordinarie ones, one ''sayth, that he cubuit curam 
is accounted a good Pope (not whose Vertues equall his utingentesfilk 
Vices, and hold some counterpoyse, as Comminaeus of a "P"^'^"';^'"'' 
Prince, but) whose Wickednesse doth not exceed that of ^"^uria'pa^- 
other men. To omit the Deluges of Waters, of Famine, aret. And, 
Plague, Warres, which overflowed the Citie and all Italy inopla, metu 
in his times, Rome was by the impunitie of Assassinates ''."f"". "'I'" 
made a very * Butcherie; within it, no going by Night ; 'liZif^vus, 
opulentiss. quemque in Aula Sacerdotcm i^ in his Cardinales Aliquot cceteris ditiores, veneno 
tollendos constituit. — Homo ad Italia exitium natus Iffe. So Guic. I. i. non sincerita, non 
fide, non relipone avaritia insatiable crudelta piuche barbara iff ardentiss. cupidita di essaltare 
in qualunque modo ei figlivoli iquali erano molti. Vid. lou. Volat. I3c. "^Guic. I. 16. Ne 
nostri corrotti costumi i laudata la bonta del Pontefice quando non trapassa la malignita de 
gli altri huomini. * Volat. Roma Nobilis jam camificina facta. 



c. 1621. 

nor without, by Day. And for his personall Vertues, 

Theologicall and Cardinall, his Love was unnaturall Lust, 

to his Daughter, and for his Sonnes; his Faith, perfidie 

to all which trusted him : Gemes the Turkish Emperors 

'200000 Brother, for Turkish^ Gold hee betrayed, and with a 

Cirt'is's^me- "^^^^^ sweet lingring Poyson, mixed with his Wine, 

ksseCoat. murthered ; his reconciled Enemies he fraudulently be- 

Jou. Hist. trayed to massacre ; to his Guests invited to his Table, 

^- 2- hee gave poysoned Potions, in exchange of their great 

Riches (in one of which Banquets, himselfe at unawares, 

by a mistaken Cup, was payd in his owne Coyne, the 

Sonne also pledging the Father; but to the Worlds 

greater scourge, by the benefit of Youth and Physicke, 

recovering.) His Hope was to make his Sonne Caesar 

Borgia (which had slaine his Brother, and is said to com- 

*Pontanus of municate with his Father in his * Sisters Bed) the Caesar 

\TeTdau''h °^ *^^ Churches State or Patrimonie. His Fortitude was 

ter Hoc jacet daring to any Mischiefe ; in Prudence, he was not wise 

in tumuh as a Serpent, to prevent, but a wise Serpent to invent 

Lucretia EviU. With his Temperance I will not fiirther distemper 

rJ'"^'^^/"^ your patience; but consider his Justice in this Donation, 

andri niia, °^ ^^ knew not whom, to he knew not what Miserie. 

s/ioma, nurus. And if it seeme impertinent to have said so much of 

the Person, let such know, that I have done it to shew, 

that here was Dignum olla operculum. Lips sutable to 

the Lettuce, and amongst all the Popes of later times, the 

Devill (which is a Murtherer from the beginning) could 

not have found a fitter Vicar, whether wee regard the 

bloudie Executions and Depopulations that ensued, 

wherein both Alexander the Macedon, and Alexanders 

Popes, and if there be any Alexander Devils, are by the 

event of this Bull surmounted all ; or whether that the 

Devill, foreseeing by the Prophecies of Babylons Fall 

^Volater. y (confirmed also with the ^Fall of the Angell in this Popes 

■^ time from the top of S. Angelo) that his Kingdome would 

soone decline, raysed up this Alexander to be another 

Alexander, a Conqueror of another World, by his Spirituall 

Weapons, under a seeming Conversion to Christianitie, 



c. 1621. 

to make a 'Conversion (of another Ciceronian Etimo- 'Cmvenio a 

logie) a sweeping of a World of Men out of the World ™;'"/;;. 

together, and wiping "them as a man wipeth a Dish, ac.\.. O ve'r- 

wiping it and turning it upside downe ; this first, and in ua praclara. 

the remainders a Conversion to such a Christianitie, as Etenlm quam 

should make them ^ two-fold more the Children of Hell, '\^J"U^^l„, 

which is by themselves ''testified of the Indians: Or '^a^f^i^ g^od 

whether the Pope, his Vicar, as honest as that 'Steward fanum deni- 

in the Gospell, fearing to be cast out of this Europsean que, quod non 

Stewardship, bethought him, by giving so great a part of '^^"^^^^'^'"' 

the World, whereof his Master is called ^the God, to ^,^J"„",.i,p 

procure entertainment somewhere else, and thereupon was "2. Reg. zi. 

so liberall of the Devils peculiar, this Ethnike World: 13- 

Or that in the decay of the Spirituall Power, that Genius \^^*\^^\^f 

of the Papacie sought to supply it with Temporall chapter of my 

(whereof the Christian Kings are more jealous) and there- pUgHmage, 

fore hath new forged the Keyes into a Sword, that what his lib. 9. 

Keyes could not unlocke (nay, had nothing to doe with, [I- "■ ^°-] 

as being no part of the House, like the first Alexander in ^"'q^^' . 

the Gordian Knot) his Sword might chop in sunder, and 

give the one halfe to one, and the other halfe to another. ^ d ; 

Once, the Sword hath made way to the Keyes in those j^^™-^] / ^^ 

parts, and made the Farme of the Popes Pardons a good 3. atpossessk 

Revenue. mdafidei non 

I question not the Right of the Spanish Crowne in those P''''"f' ^ , 
S^ r\ • ..^l -^ • J- 5 T • ^1 r 1^ T nercle non tn 

parts : Quis me constituit judicem r It is the fault 1 ^,^-^„ *i7//^j- 

find in this great Ardelio. The Castilian Industry I sore nee in 

honour (as appeares in the former Relations) their Right harede 

mayj for that which is actually in their Possession, without proxmo out 

this Bull, plead Discoverie even before this was written, ii^timk in 

the Sword, Prescription, subjection of the Inhabitants, posteris y 

long and quiet Possession ; which, howsoever the *■ Case valide i^c. 

was at first (wherewith I meddle not) must now, after so ^'"'f '"ff- "^ 

long Succession, be acknowledged Just. I quarrell the "^Ihiimnad 

Pope onely, and the Clayme of that See, herein truly inchoationem. 

Catholike, or Universall, challenging even in the Devils ' ndiros tAs 

"Stile, Omnia Regna Orbis Terrae, and, Potestatem hanc £'1,^^^$."'' 

universam & gloriam illorum, quia mihi tradita sunt, & /«. 4. 5. hoc 



c. 1621. 

ille titulo 13 
jure Oecu- 
menkus Papa. 

^ Taurum 
Neptuno tau- 
rum tibi 
pulcher Apollo. 

"2. Sam. 6. 


cui volo, do ilia. Hee as the Devils Vicar (cui tradita 
sunt, who by Tradition challengeth a Right to them, and 
by Tradition, that is, Treason, disturbes Right and Rites 
in them) doth Tradere, betray the Rights of them, by 
Sentences, Censures, and I know not what Bulls. True 
it is, that the Catholike Kings had other reasons to aske 
this furtherance from. the Pope, in regard of the Portugal!, 
which had obtained former Bulls (as is before related ; as 
■^Neptune with the Ethnikes, so Navigation with these, 
is propitiated with Bulls) and challenged a Monopoly of 
Discoverie; in regard of other Princes, to whom the 
Popes Censures (as Thunder in a darke Night) were in 
those times terrible, especially in a Case otherwise just, 
where they had made Discoverie, and taken and continued 
Possession before all others ; and in regard of the People, 
and (those blind Leaders of the blind) the Friers and 
Priests, who (si dolosi spes refulserit nummi) could with 
this Bull, as a Bagge fiill of Wind, make Musike to the 
Vulgar, and cause them dance over the Seas in this 
Attempt, as no lesse holy (approved by that Holy Father) 
then "Davids dancing before the Arke. The Bulls 
bellowing, Authoritate Omnipotentis Dei nobis in beato 
Petro concessse, ac Vicariatus Jesu Christi, qua fungimur 
in terris, where Gold and Glory were really proposed, 
with Conceits of Heaven and Merit annexed, could not 
but to Minds credulous, covetous, and therefore willing, 
adde Wind in Poupe, and become another generall Wind, 
to carry them to this New World. Besides, in Mindes 
scrupulous touching the lawfulnesse of that Designe, but 
acknowledging that fiilnesse of Apostolicall power with- 
out examination or scruple, it was almost necessarie to 
obtaine that, which had it beene necessary to themselves, 
and in their owne Consciences had begun the lawfulnesse 
of that Action, they would not first have discovered and 
possessed (as the Bull it selfe intimates) and afterwards 
have demanded the Popes Grant ; they would not have 
devoured that was sanctified and set apart from their use, 
and after the Vowes have enquired. 



c. 1621. 
Reason of State is evident (abundans cautela non nocet) 
Religion of Episcopal! power to be reason of giving just 
Title of Inheritance, and that to a World, to an Ethnike 

World, 'Religia est dicere, is not onely (as the Mysteries 'Ter. beaut. 

of Religion are) beyond and above, but utterly against ^See the Hist. 

and contrary to reason. But from these Reasons of State, '-^ f^"* ?,°"^', 

have the Romists (whose Religion at Rome is little else "^ English! 

but Reason of State, as appeared in their late erected Pillar translated 'out 

and ground of Truth, which pilled and cast the Truth to of Italian by 

the ground, their ^Councell of Trent) gathered a Sover- ^:.^/^J!'' 

aigntie over Kings and Kingdomes ; and therefore what- ^Jl,.^ H] 

soever was done in this kind, whiles their Houre and the particular 

Power of Darkenesse lasted, is set upon the Last, and workings of 

stretched, to make it a fit Slipper for the Popes pride- thatUysterie. 

swolne Foot to tread upon the Neckes of Kings and . fjl ""' 

-i-i ' A •^ a -n '^' • ? 1 ^'^ lien. 3- 

Emperors, as super Aspidem & Basilicum, with concul- j„_ 12^5. 

cabis Leonem & Draconem. Thus Alexander served * ret Michael 

Frederike, and thus of the second Frederike, said *" Inno- '-^^ -^fch- 

centius, then angry with the Kings of England and France, "J^&'j^^^^^ 

Expedit ut componamus cum Principe F. ut hos Regulos against the 

conteramus recalcitrantes : Contrito enim vel * pacificato Devill, durst 

Dracone cito Serpentuli conculcabuntur. These things »<" ^^"""^ him 

he spake voce susurra, oculos obliquando & nares corru- ""'"'^ f*''-'^'^ 

gando. Yea, now Bellarmine is much 'amused and /^^^ gf" 

amazed, that his Majestic should presume to compare 'Mirum est 

himselfe with the Pope, being a King of two Hands in a i"^'^ " !"' *« 

Corner of the North, forgetting that Great Constantine, ""f^ ^f^'^"' 

the Sunne of the Empire, arose from this Northerne i„jaias"ub- 

Corner, which first filled the Homes of the Popes Miter jectas habet, 

with secular Light, and by removing the Imperial! Seat, ita de se pne- 

made way for that Starre to become a full Moone : which "tmat,utdicat, 

though a long time (as the Moone whiles the Sunne if l?,;^!'''^ 

L- 1 \ J 1 IT • 11 ,-. ^^ ronttjice 

snmeth) made no great shew, the Imperiall Greatnesse esse inferiorem 

continuing ; yet in the Ecclipse of the Empire, or that credo. Apolog. 

irrecoverable Night rather by Barbarian Deluges (these /■ ^6- ^''^ 

also God raysed out of the contemned North, to tread Zt'^^' ^^' 

under foot the Roman Pride) seemed to become, in that Ad An. 

Night of Darkenesse, Lady of the Light, indeed a light 1245. 

II 49 D 


c. 1621. 

[I. ii. 21.] 

vert hortus 
noster delici- 
arum, est 
Anglic, verk 
puteus inex- 
haustus est, y 
ubi multa 
multa possunt 
extorqueri de 
^Idem A. 

Apol. R. P. 
Episc. El.pag. 

82. vid. y 

Tort. T. pag. 

° Constat ab 
Ad. 4. Pont, 
datam fuisse 
Hib. Hen. 2. 
An. 1 1 56. 
pag. 29. 
°Hist. Con. 
* Balaams 
counsell for 
Peor, his 
Priests are 
more to be 
feared then his 


Lady ; which dazzled with selfe-reflecting her borrowed 
Beames, challenged to be the Sunne, and glories to have 
procreated this later Moone, in translating and erecting 
the Westerne Empire; which, and all other Christian 
Kingdomes must no longer shine, then they admit the 
light of the Papall Sunne : otherwise their Opposition 
must be a Conjunction, and thence Thunder-striken, like 
young Phaetons, they must loose their Light, and Life, 
and Empire together, becomming as opacous Earth (so 
some conceit the Moone) yea, as darke Hells of Heresies, 
for not acknowledging the Pope. Let this contemner of 
the North remember, that this Northerne Corner was 
once ''their Paradise and Garden of Pleasures, where the 
Pope himselfe 'would have personally for a time resided, 
and was rejected, even in his Sonnes dayes, who (Bellar- 
mine sayth untruly) de "consensu Baronum, resigned his 
Crowne to the Pope. And let him remember, that of the 
ten Homes which shall hate the Whore, and make her 
desolate and naked, and eat her flesh, and burne her with 
fire, some may come out of some corner of the North. 
The ancient Almes of "Peter-pence he calls Tribute, and 
alledgeth Ireland to be the Popes Gift. Sure we are, 
that the Popes have done their best and worst against 
the English Right in Ireland, Paul ° the fourth stomacking 
the Title of King, without Papall Licence, Pius the fifth, 
impiously deposing Queene Elizabeth by his Bull, and 
Gregorie the thirteenth intending it also to his Sonne, 
sending Forces with Stukley to that purpose, which (the 
Popes Blessing notwithstanding) perished before they 
came there. Neyther need we here or there feare Balac or 
* Balaam (their Curses are Blessings, though Sanders also 
play the Shemei). But for that of Ireland, ^one of his 
owne Religion hath answered the Cardinall (whom hee 
applauds in Divinitie, but in forensibus aut rebus saeculi 
esteemes baud mediocriter peritum) That if the Pope or 
his predecessors ever had right, yet by his Bull, Possession 
taken by the English, and Prescription, they are utterly 
PG. Barret I.e. li. 3. c. 3. ad Lud. 13. Gal. R. 


c. 1621. 
excluded. He alledgeth also, besides the succession of 
divers Ages, that the Roman Court knowes well enough, 
that ''Jus socialis Belli, and that voluntarie submission, " Primus tiiu- 
yea supplication of the Irish to King Henry for that ^"'J"! "*• 
purpose, which hee accepted and performed, their Letters y^ ^^^ ,;, 
(as hee saith) still remayning in the Vatican. 'Baronius veruspnfecto 
hath testified, Hiberniam sponte deditam sibi consensu ^ Germanus 
omnium vendicavit, and mentions the transcript of those estwvuatw 
Letters to Pope Alexander. Adrian indeed writ to King ^ '^"^-^^ ^'^^ 
Henry, who had before consulted with him, being an cierl, 4. 
Englishman, about those Irish Affaires, asking his advice ArcMep. 28. 
and assistance (Consilium exigis & favorem Sedis Apost. ^P''- ^^• 
are Adrians words, and the whole Epistle is of advice) ^J"°"iyV^ 
but by that Epistle nothing was attempted. Fifteene 
yeeres after. King Henry offered aide to King Dermitius 
at his humble sollicitation, and by his Sword, not the ^y^ £^. £/_ 
Popes Keyes (as the "most learned Bishop hath answered ad Card. Bel. 
the Cardinall) together with the submission of the Irish, -^pol. resp. 
obtayned that Soveraigntie. f"^^' 

The same challenge may they make to France, for 
consultation with Pope Zacharie, when Hilderike or 
Childerike was deposed by the French. Yea, what 
Kingdome doe they not finde some Window or Posterne 
to creepe into, and though these unjust Stewards cannot 
'digge, and to begge are ashamed ; yet herein, where they 'L». 16. 
have begged for "Peter-pence (as Adrian in that Letter "Mata. 
of King Henry) even of such Begging will make an ^'^'" ^"^ '^"■ 
Instrument to digge thorow and steale ; as some Rogues, 
which by Begging obtayning an Almes, have seized on the 
whole Purse, and robbed their Benefactor. 

Thus he, which at first was a holy Bishop, after, by 
beneficence of Princes, became a Princely Prelate in the 
Church ; next, by a Murtherer and Traytor was made 
Head and Prince of the Church, in Church-Affaires 
"^ Oecumenicall Pope: after which, by Princes bountie " 
made a Prince, but tributarie ; by Treason against his ^"^ ^""'f'"^- 
Prince, made himselfe his Princes Peere, and exalting 
himselfe above all that is called God, from the time or 



c. 1621. 


Gregorie the seventh hath bestirred him to make himselfe 
the Prince of all Princes * Christian, and now in this 
Alexander, a God of the World, the Stile (as is said) of 
the Devill. For whereas Adrian had challenged ^omnes 
Insulas quibus Sol justitise Christus illuxit & quae docu- 
menta fidei Christianae susceperunt, ad jus B. Petri & SS. 
said the Pope, Roj^. Ecclesiae pertinere, he doth it but of Christians, and 
L^tlrofRob. ^°'" ^'^^ * Peter-pence, as an argument to receive Almes, 
Grosted, A. not to give Scepters : but this Bull hath a lowder bellow, 
\^t)■i.apMat. and opens his mouth wider, Omnes Insulas & Terras 
firmas, inventas & inveniendas, detectas & detegendas — 
versus Indiam aut aliam quamcunque partem — and that 
with an imagined Line from the Articke to the Antarticke 
Pole, by the imaginarie authoritie of Almightie God; 
with all their Cities, Castles, Dominions, Rights, Jurisdic- 
tions : inhibiting all others, under paine of Excommuni- 
tion, to presume thither for Merchandise, or any other 
cause, &c. Doe they not challenge the Kingdomes of 
Hungarie, of Arragon, of Spaine it selfe, of Denmarke, 
of Dalmatia and Croatia, of Portugal!, of Naples, Sicilia, 
omnes Insulas Jerusalem, Sardinia, Bohemia, Swethen, Norway, Poland, 
^'' Scotland, and all the Kingdomes of Europe ; as * Stapleton, 

*Stap.deMag. ^Steuchus, Marta, and others have written. Wee read 
cut tit' RE ' °^ ^ ^^^ "^^^ ^^ Athens, which esteemed every Ship that 
potestas in came into the Haven his owne, and therefore tooke 
orbisPrincipes Inventories of the Goods. Such is the sobrietie of 
ettam crean- Rome, as if the World had beene created for the Papacie ; 
havins: named whatsoever Promises are made to the Church in Scripture, 
very many, hee is their Inheritance; the Pope is the Church, and Peter, 
concludes. Est and Bishop, and Apostle, and Prince ; yea, Christ, and 
igiturhujus S. Qgd^ and Caesar, and all, and more then all ; his Centre at 
ttstaTh"' ^°™^5 ^^^ Circumference every where and no where. 
Provinciis Accordingly he gives, as if he had all things ; he takes, 
Christianis scrapes, rakes, as if he had nothing. Wittily did * Sanctius, 
suaauthoritate Brother of the King of Arragon, shew himselfe gratefull 

Reges tnstt- ^^ j^jg Holinesse for like bountie, whom when the Pope 
tuere, creare, ' r 

inaugurare, i^c. 'Ex Reg. Greg. 7. ap. Steuch. I. 2. cont. Vallam pro Dm. Const. Boditi. 
de Repub. I. 1. c. 9. vid. y Tort. Tort. p. 218. '£/. El. respons. ad Bel. Apol />. 85. 


*Nonne Rex 
noster est 
vasallus \£ ut 
plus dicam 

Par. torvo 
aspectu Eif 
superbo bff. 

>' Mat. Paris 
An. 1155. 
* The very 
words before 
are B. Pet. 
unius denarii 
de singulis 
domibus pen- 
sione. Sani 


c. 1621. 
by sound of Trumpet had proclaymed King of ^gypt, [i. ii. 22.] 
he requited him with like bountie by his Trumpetters, 
proclayming the Pope Chaliph of Baldach, that is, 
Mahomets Vicar (so Chaliph signifies) and supreme Head 
of the Saracens. No lesse wisely did Earle Richard, 
Brother to King Henry the third, acknowledge ""the Popes ^Mat. Paris, 
bountifiill Gift of the Kingdomes of Naples and Sicil, -fj- '^54- 
taken from King Conradus, demanding Hostages, Money, ^^jj^^w i^ke- 
and some Forts in the Popes hand, to be delivered him : ret, vendo vel 
otherwise (saith he) it is all one as if he should give me do tibi lu 
the Moone, and bid me climbe up and fetch it. And nam ascende 
well had it beene, if King Henry himselfe had so answered g^^ 
him. Yea, the Catholike King "himselfe, in this inherit- "PhU.R.Hisp. 
ance of Sicill, was sensible of the Popes clayme, and Cath.Edktum 
prohibited that part of Baronius which maintained it. ^'""- tractat. 

But whence this Power so boundlesse } Is hee the Vicar jl "'„: " 
of Christ.? This is hee, that being Heire'* of all things, d^^^ , " 
" by whom and for whom all things were created, yea, ' the •= Col. i . 
beginning of the new Creation of God, did *^exinanire se, '^P- 3- 
tooke on him the forme of a Servant, that is, not the ^^^' ^' 
shew, but the substance, as is his forme of God, and ''came ''Luc. 22. 
not to be served, but to serve : Hee in his Birth would 
be 'taxed or enrolled a Servant to a forraine Prince; in 'Luc. 2. 
his Life payd Tribute Money, yea for Peter as well as 
himselfe; did it, ''and taught so to doe; in his Death '"Matt. 22. 
payd that he never tooke (vile & servile supplicium) 
openly witnessed a good confession to Pilate, That his 
'Kingdome was not of this World; yea, that this power 'Jo- 18. 
over him was given from above to Pilate : and when they 
would have ""made him a King, he refused; nor would ""6. 15. 
"divide the Heritage betwixt the Brethren, rejecting ic "Luc 12. 
with Quis me constituit .? Whereas his pretended "Vicar "^""^ ^■ 
hath made a Constitution of purpose to arrogate both """'" "'"'^■ 
Swords, and this Alexander hath excluded all others, and 
divided almost all the World to two Brethren. 

But the Pope is Successor of Peter and Paul the 
Apostles, yea, the Heire of all Apostleship ! And why P^at. 20. 
not then of that ""Reges gentium dominantur eorum, vos Luc 22. 



c. 1621. 

" I Pet. 5. 
These places 
are produced 
by Victoria in 
his Relect. de 
Indis, n. 27. 
y de pet. 

'2. Cor. 10. 

'z. Tim. 2. 
vid. Amb. ad 
istum loc. 

'Mat. Par. 
An. 1 196. 

"Jo. 18. 36. 

''Bern, de 
cons id. I. 2. 
y 82. 

'Sftf my Pilg. 
/.6.C. ii.i 3. 


autem non sic? And why doth he not listen to Peters, 
^Non dominantes in clerum, much lesse in mundum? 
And why doth he not with Peter, put up his Sword into 
his sheath, not drawing in such an Exigent for his Masters 
Life, such a Weapon with approbation? Malchus his 
right Eare, the Kings servants faithfull Eare, by this High 
Priest is cut ofF, and they made Recusants to Gods Service 
and the Kings AUegeance by his Sword, and Bellarmine his 
Armour-bearer. Yet if hee loves so well Armour, why 
doth hee not follow Paul in his 'Arma Militise nostrae 
carnalia non sunt? and if he wiU needs be a Souldior, 
why breakes he Pauls Rule, =Nemo militans implicat se 
Negotiis saecularibus ? If yet he will change Peters Keyes 
into Pauls Sword, let him know Mucro furor Sauli, that 
Sword makes him the Successor of Saul a Persecutor, not 
Paul an Apostle. King Richard the first 'being requested 
by the Pope to free his Sonne the Bishop Belvacensis, 
taken in the field, sent the Pope his Armour wherein he 
was taken, with this Message, Vide utrum tunica filii tui 
sit, annon : which caused the Pope modestly to disclayme 
him, Non filius meus est vel Ecclesise, quia potius Martis 
quam Christi Miles judicatur. Mutato nomine de te 
Fabula narratur : The reason is strong against the Popes 
challenging temporall Power and Kingdome, for which 
the "servants must fight in the judgement of Truth it 
selfe, with Weapons correspondent. Si utrumque habere 
voles, saith "" Bernard (aut dominans Apostolatum, aut 
Apostolicus dominatum) perdes utrumque. The ^Canons 
are strict herein ; but the Pope is like the late Propheticall 
King of ^Barbary, which could cause (as they report) the 
Bullets to remaine in the discharged Peeces, and therefore 
adventured himselfe and his on the Ordinance, without 

But what should I multiply words in this Argument, 
wherein not only our "men have taken this weightie 

"D-D. Episc. El. Tort. T. y Resp. fj D. Morton y Abbat. Eif Buck, y 
Down. W Arch. Spalat. I. 6. c. 10. D. Sutl. de Pont. R. I. 4. c. 14. 
D. Whitak. y Rain. & Col. i^c. 



c. 1621. 
Crowne from the Head of this Man (who worse then that 
Ammonite, serves not Embassadors, but Kings themselves 
in that homely fashion, cutting o£F their garments by the 
Buttockes, not leaving to cover their nakednesse, or his 
owne shame) and set it on Davids Head ; but even ''their "^"f^^^li 
owne, also both Schoolemen and Lawyers, and Uni- ^^^ 'j^^^ 
versities and States, have written, decreed, by Penne and Paris. Jac. 
Pike sought to maintaine (as at Venice lately) the right Almain. 
of the Crowne free from the Triple Diademe. And Sm-bonain 
Melchior Goldastus hath published a large Librarie of p^Jl^^^fJ^ ' 
this kind. But this Argument hath found a Kingly Rg/gct. Vk- 
Writer, a King a Writer, a King of Writers, as patterne toria i^c 
and patron of other Learning, so herein also a Defender 
of the Faith. And foolishly doe I further powre Water 
into this Sea, into which Pope Alexanders Bull hath 
brought me: But their Romish Shop and Mint of 
Doctrines provoke me, which having "= lately hammered a " ^i^lji J'"''^- 
new Creed, annexed to their Tndentme Anathema's, and pnfes.fid. 
made a Bull to proclayme them, like ''Mahomets Bull, '^SeemyPilg. 
which in the Turkes Legend brings the Alcaron in his /. 3 «■• 3- 
Homes, seeke haply to adde this as a Thirteenth, of the 
Popes Monarchie over Monarchs, so strangely rather then 
strongly defended by Jesuiticall " Spirits, no lesse Jebusiti- " ^^^ ijenu^ 
call, in denying Davids right, then Jezabellicall, in painting ^"^^^^^ ^^^ 
the face of their Idolatrous Mother, whose Witchcrafts state of Kings, 
and Whoredomes remaining in too many, will not suffer dratune out of 
even Children to hold their Peace. And indeed to recite, Bellarmine by 
is to refute the Arguments of their Popes and Cardinals, i^ his learned 
as those of Boniface ' the eight : In principio : ecce duo Answer to the 
gladii : spiritualis homo judicat omnia, and other of like Apolo^e. Pag. 
light moment. So that of Cardinall Bellarmine, Pasce 62. 
Oves,and of Baronius, Decide & manduca,and before them, [ • ^^'V'^ 
of our Countreyman Cardinall ''Poole, for the Popes Tern- unam sane. 
porall Power, Haec omnia adjicientur vobis. Mat. 6. & ^ 
Filii eorum qui te humiliaverunt curvi ad te venient ut lum. P. c. 49. 
adorent vestigia pedum tuorum, Es. 60. for Princes sub- 
mitting their Scepters to the Pope; and the Divine 
Providence, in giving some Temporall peculiar for S. 



c. 1621. 

'■ Mat. Par. in 
H. 3. Jn. 
1252. nonne 
dom. Papa 
factum suum 
Nonne opposite 
hoc repaguh 
Non Obstante 
chartas, cassat 
peeconcessas ? 
Sic y ego 

•Idem A. 
i2;i. i2;4. 
y 1256. \£c. 

""Mat. 18. 

'i.Cor. 5. 
12, 13. 


Peters Patrimonie, In qua administranda exemplo suo 
Imperatores & Reges proprium eorum hoc est Regiam 
artem & veram regendi populos rationem docerent. And 
yet how many of them lived in France, and never saw S. 
Peters Patrimonie? And well had it beene, if this 
Alexander had lived in this new World, or quite out of 
the World : yea, in the rest, their owne Historians shew 
no man more transported either by faction or affection to 
their kindred, whom they seeke with publike losse to 
advance : such examples they have beene at home. And 
what good examples they have beene abroad, appeares in 
that ''King, which denyed his owne and his progenitors 
Grants, pretending the example of the Pope his playing 
fast and loose with his Non obstante ; and the Popes 
practise of dispensing with Oathes both of Princes and 
subjects, can testifie ; yea, most Corruptions, which 
Histories observe in secular Government, thence may 
derive easie Originals. Hence did that Justices complaint 
arise, Heu heu, hos ut quid dies expectavimus .'' Ecce 
jam civilis Curia exemplo Ecclesiasticae coinquinatur & a 
sulfureo fonte rivulus intoxicatur. The same Historian 
tels of Oathes that multoties juraverat observare, idem 
Rex contraire non formidavit, credens pro munere absolui, 
which is now devolved to the people, both prohibited and 
absolved from Oathes by the Pope, now that Kings begin 
to discover and to hate the Whore, and are not as hee 
then saith, PP. & Rex in gravamen Ecclesise confoederati. 
And much lesse needs it, that the Pope should give that 
which is out of the Church, and none of Christs Flocke : 
For what power have the Keyes of the 'Kingdome of 
Heaven to shut the Doores of Earthly, of meere Earthly 
Kingdomes .'' Or to shut out such as were never let into 
the Church.? Yea, when Christ sayth, ''Let him be as an 
Ethnike unto thee, expressing the utmost extent of the 
Keyes, how can Ethnikes be included, who are not sicut, 
but mere & vere Ethnici, alreadie.'' S. Paul sayth, 'Quid 
mihi de iis qui foris sunt judicare.? Nonne de iis qui 
intus sunt, vos judicatis? Nam eos qui foris sunt Deus 



c. 1621. 
judicabit. This is cited by "Victoria, a Spanish Divine, to Y^' ^Pp- 
prove, that the Pope non habet dominium in Terris |^^^^; "'" 
Infidelium quia non habet potestatem nisi intra Ecclesiam ; 
adding, that Infidels are vere Domini, seeing the Apostle 
commands "Tribute to be payd them, and that the con- ^Rom. 13. 
trarie is merum commentum in adulationem & assenta- 
tionem Pontificum : largely proving these Propositions, 
That the Pope is not Lord of the World, That the 
Temporall Power depends not of him, That it is not 
subject to his Temporall Power, and that he hath nothing 
to doe ordinarily to judge of Princes Cases, Titles, Juris- 
dictions, nor hath any Power meerely Temporall; That 
the Temporall Power doth not at all depend of the 
Spirituall. And in his Relections of the "Indians he "fi-elect. de 
sayth. That it doth not appeare to him, that the Christian ^^'^- "• ^S- 
Faith hath so beene preached to them, that they are bound 
sub novo peccato to beleeve it, having had no probable 
perswasion, as Miracles and examples of Religious life, 
but the contrarie : yea, had the Faith beene never so 
probably propounded, and they rejected it, yet might they 
not therefore be spoyled of their Goods, or pursued by 
Warre. And what right then had the Pope to propound 
that Method in his Bull, Vobis subjicere & ad fidem \^^"'^^ 
Cathohcam reducere? Is any thing more free, then to gg/^r. 8. 
beleeve? Else if ^Ethnikes had beene to be compelled Domini 
to enter into the Church (for it is otherwise with the quamvis Infi- 
Children of the Kingdome) hee would have sent Captaines, ^^"Jff^l 
Conquerors, Alexanders (as the Saracens did, and this ^ec sunt pnp- 
Alexander imitates) not Fishermen, Tent-makers, Publi- ter infid. a 
cans, as Sheepe amongst Wolves, not Wolves amongst Dominio 
Sheepe. On whom did David, or Moses, or any of the "i«nmpn- 
ancient Kings make Warre onely for Infidelitie ? Unde /j^^^^iaw fit 
gravissime peccaremus (sayth Cardinall "Caietan) si fidem exjureposi- 
Christi Jesu per hanc viam ampliare contenderemus ; nee tivt y infi- 
essemus legitimi Domini illorum, sed magna latrocinia ^^^^tm ex 
committeremus, & teneremur ad restitutionem, vipote "'^^'"'J'"'' 
injusti debellatores aut occupatores. Good men (sayth iQaiet. ubl 
he) should be sent, by their Preaching and living to convert sup. 



c. 1621. 

them to God; and not such as shall oppresse, spoyle, 
scandalize, subject, and make them twice more the 
Children of Hell, like the Pharises. 

And this may be the cause of all those Misorders which 
happened in the Indies : the most by a blind zeale, think- 
ing they did God service in punishing the Idolatries, 
Man-eating, and Sodomies, and other Vices of the 
Ethnikes, with Invasion and Warre, especially where 
Terror might bring them, or, they being slaine, others by 
their example, to admit the Gospell ; that had not the 
pietie and pittie of some eye-witnesses excited the Royall 
Provision of the Catholike Kings in this case (which over 
so wide Seas and spacious Lands they could not discerne) 
even HeU it selfe had beene loosed on Earth, under the 
pretext of Heaven, and the Prince of Darkenesse had 
effected his blackest and cruellest Designes, in habite of 
an Angell of Light. Tantum Religio poterat suadere 
malorum, may we say of this Religious irreligious Bull. 

'Ap. Ramus. Thus Nunho di "'Gusman, a Spanish Commander, relates 

3" in an Epistle to the Emperour, his manner of invading : 

first, after his Martiall Prologue, preaching to the Indians, 

God, the Pope, and the King of Spaine, Minister of God 

[I. ii. 24.] on Earth, whom all men in the World ought to obey ; the 
silly Indians for feare acknowledging themselves ready to 
worship the King, till his better instruction. He also 
perswades the Emperour not to give libertie to the 
Christian Indians, and to allow nothing but necessaries, 
that by much subjection they might be made good 
Christians. Hee quarrels those Quarrellers, that hold 
this Warre unjust, and seeke to disturbe it, being the 

"■Bart. Cas. of most holy and meritorious Worke that can be done in 

t e pants ^^ service of God, for which himselfe hoped the diminu- 

Cruelttes. . . , . . ai-/-ti 111 <-^ 

*See P. Pilg. tioJ^ or 'lis smnes. And ir 1 should shew out or ^Casas, 

lib. z.cap.2o. a Spanish Bishop in those parts, the executions of this Bull, 

OfEgipt, you would say, that the Brazen Bull of Phalaris, the 

31/ Sf' Monster-Bull of Minos, the fire-breathing Bull subdued 

Onuphis, l^c. by Hercules, the Jewes * Behemoth, and those of ^gypt 

/. 6. c. 4. were but Calves to this of Pope Alexander : Hinc ilk 



c. 1621. 
lachrymae. They had beene Heretikes, if they had not iQort.'Narrat. 
obeyed the Pope^ Subjiciendo & ad fidem Catholicam ad Imp. Car. 
reducendo. All that wee have talked of Kings all this "Benzo. I. 3. 
while, see effected in 'Mutezuma (no meane, though an c- ?,■ 
Ethnike Prince) out of Cortez his owne Relations to the ^^^J^^^^ ""^"^'^ 
Emperour, and in Attabaliba or Atahualpa, the mightie grounded on 
Inga, related by "Benzo, the Dominican Vincentius de this Bull, the 
valle viridi preaching the Popes Gift, to which if he did Pope thereby 
not willingly yeeld, he should be forced; which that f'^^f^^''"'^^ 
Heathen disclaymed as unjust, saying. That the Pope was ^i2^^^vi\oac - 
foolish and impudent, to give so liberally another mans turn i^c. 
goods. Whereupon the Frier cruelly cryed to the See Lop. Fax, 
Spaniards, to execute that which was in that manner easie ^- Gomera, 
to effect, saying, agite Christiani, trucidate istos canes &c. yj^^ ^^ 
What should I speake of Millions perishing without the ^^^J^ ^^^^^ 
Faith by this new Article of Faith, Subjicere & ad fidem fiimt, Leges. 
Catholicam reducere ? Of Shambles of Mans flesh, and i^on ex jure 
other Cruelties ? I delight not in such Tragsedies, I onely ^"^^ conser- 
shew the Choragus, the Westerne Alexander his Bull, or f^'% ^j"^' 
Bucephalus, the very Cerberus which produced those repetent. 
Dogges which hunted and devoured the Indians, and yet /. Jcosta de 
as Casas hath, were more milde then their Masters, procuranda ■ 
Masters indeed of ^immanitie and inhumanitie, but pro- ", "'^"'^ 
ceeding in this Schoole, and writing Comments and a world ^ ,,' j . '/ 
of Glosses on this Bull-Text with the bloud of a world of z. c. z, 3, 4, 
men in that New World. How doth Acosta and others Sj 6, 7, 13, 
deplore these bloudie and therefore slipper ie foundations H' 'S- '■ 3- 
of the Faith.? That from these forced beginnings. Nihil .J,' t' r" ' 
pium & salutare nisi per vim agant.? That they have y^. 
received but a shew of Christianitie, closely embracing Healsoshewes 
their old Superstitions .? As a Plant (sayth hee) growing ^ n^turall 
crooked at first, must eyther be broken, or still suffered ^^ and how 
so to grow, Ita prorsus cum Indorum natio bellici apparatus „„just it is to 
potius authoritate quam germana prsedicatione magna ex prohihite it .- 
parte Christum acceperit &c. So amongst these Indians, producing the 
as the feare of Warre, not true Preaching, made way to ^Q^^^^^f^^'^ 
Christianitie, so doe they still retaine feare and a servile ^ight, of this 
condition, not freely translated to be the Children of God Bull 


I I 


c. 1621. 

by Regeneration. For nothing is so contrarie to Faith, 
as is afi force and violence. But of their Christianitie I 
* In the last have spoken * elsewhere out of their owne Authors; I 
^U^frnfj"^ here shew the root of it, this Apostolike BuU. The Poets 
grtmage. ^^jj ^^ Europa deflowred by Jupiter, having conveyed her 
thorow the Sea in forme of a Bull. The Roman Jupiter 
of the Vatican CapitoU, or S. Angelo Vejovis, hath con- 
veyed over this greater part of the World, this New 
World, America, to be both deflowred and devoured by 
ii Catholike Souldiers, by his Catholike Bull, in faire shew 

of reducing to Faith, but first mentioning Forts, and 
Subjection. That Bull by the Poets was exalted to a 
Constellation in Heaven : This Bull having made such 
havocke on Earth, rather deserves Hell, except some Poets 
which can make their Gods (as the Pope in Canonization, 
the Priest in Consecration) can devise also to make new 
Antartike Heavens to place this Bull in : Our Artike is 
now too full of Constellations, to admit any such Monsters, 
i ■ lest hee should make terrible Tragedies there also, being 

since growne so huge, that he incompasseth the two Hemi- 
spheres with his hornie Hemi-circles. 

And for his prohibition of all Christians else to attempt 
those parts for Merchandise or other cause ; what is it, 
but with his two Homes to push at, and out, both Nature 
and Grace.? That in so large a Tract of the World it 
may neyther be lawfuU to carrie Spirituall, nor recarrie 
Temporall Commodities, without leave obtained, under 
paine of Excommunication? And is it not Bulla, a 
bubble and froth, the babbling or babelling of Babel, That 
a Bishop should countermand Merchandise, and the 
Servant of Gods Servants should make himselfe a Lord 
of Heathen Lords, to give the Crownes of Kings by 
Apostolicall Salutem & benedictionem .? What more 
Apostaticall or Apotacticall .'' What could Alexanders 
Malediction have done more, or worse .? Is subjicere the 
way to bring to the Catholike Faith.? Proh fidem istam 
Catholicam! Proh Deum atque hominum fidem! Rara 
fides pietasque viris qui castra sequuntur. 



c. 1621. 
And yet one clause of Baptisme is more Bullish or 
Hellish then the rest (per sacri lavacri susceptionem qua 
Mandatis Apostolicis obligati estis) That Christians, that 
Kings are obliged, by their very Baptisme obliged to the 
ApostolicaU, that is, in their sense, the Popes Commande- 
ments. ^Divisus est Christus? Nunquid Paulus cruci- M.C». 1.13. 
fixus est pro vobis, aut in nomine Pauli baptisati estis? 
said that glorious Apostle of the Gentiles : but this gentle 
glorying Apostle will needs in a new Catholike Faith be 
eyther crucified for us with Christ, or make a fourth 
Person in the Trinitie, unto whose Mandates alone wee 
are baptized. But Boniface had answered this, ''Unum ^Bon.i.Extr. 
caput, non duo capita quasi monstrum, Christus & ipsi demajor.l^ob. 
Vicarius. This also favours Alexander, which would 
needs be a God, the sonne of Jupiter, and was so by his 
Parasites acknowledged. And right so the Pope by his [I. ii. 25.] 
flatterers, who affirme, "^Reges cum hac conditione admitti ^ his 
ad Ecclesiam ut Christo Sceptra subjiciant, and conse- ^"'^ ^'"■'■ 
quently, to his Vicar the Pope. We poore men had "^''■^J""''-^^^ 
thought, that in the Sacraments God had vouchsafed us 
a great dignitie, that we are therein equall with Kings ; 
that in ''one Spirit we had been all baptized into one Body, ■" i. Cor. 12. 
whether Jewes or Gentiles, whether bond or free; that i3- 
"whosoever were baptized in Christ, had put on Christ, 'Gal. 3. 27, 
and that there was neither Jew nor Greeke, neither bond ^^^ 
nor free, neither male nor female : omnes enim vos unum 
estis in Christo Jesu. But see how this horned Beast, 
with his Scepter-pushing Bull blesseth and makes us more 
happy then baptized Kings : for we may enjoy our Posses- 
sions, our Professions as more free, at least not 
impaired by Baptisme; but Kings are admitted into 
the Church, with subjection of their Persons and 
Crownes to the Pope; their subjects also may dis- 
clayme, not sweare, forsweare Allegeance ; yea, it shall 
be tolerable, nay lawfull, nay commendable, yea, and meri- 
torious for Heaven, to kill the Kings of the Earth, which 
shall be immorigerous to his Holinesse. Protestants are 
generally beholden to his Catholike Keyes, which open 



c. 1621. 

' Carb. 
I. I.e. 4, 5. 

^Tort. Torii. 
fag. 201. 

Acost. sapi. 
In lib. de proc. 
Ind. sal. 

Down, de 
Antich. I. 5. 
c. 6. 


Rome, the Catholike Mother Citie, to Strumpets, to Jewes, 
but locke out our Generation to the consuming flames: 
but Protestant, yea, Catholike Kings, are lesse in favour 
then other Catholikes, and in condition like the Jewes: 
for as they must, in converting to Christianitie, renounce 
their former Wealth (as 'Victor de Carben, a Christened 
Jew, complaynes) together with the World and the Devill, 
embracing beggerie with their Christianitie, which makes 
so few Converts ; so Kings (which even amongst Heathens 
knew no Superiour but God) must in their Baptisme.make 
a tacite renuntiation of their Kingdomes, when their holy 
Lord the Pope (in ordine ad Deum) shall so adjudge. 
And if he obey not, he loseth his Baptisme, becomes now 
an Heretike, and his subjects, by vertue of that his 
Baptisme, also, which obliged him to the Pope, are at the 
Popes Bulls first lowing to depose him. Jam sumus ergo 
pares, Kings and Jewes may say : it is better (in secular 
respects) not to professe Christ, not to be baptized. The 
reason out of Tortus his new Kabala (as that learned 
^^ Bishop calls it) ortus cuique duplex, in our naturall birth 
we are borne subjects to our Prince, in our supernaturall 
(by Baptismall Regeneration) congenitum aliud & taciturn 
juramentum ad obediendum Principi spirituali, Christi 
Vicario, Papse, we are therein sworne forsooth to the Pope. 
It is no marvell that this Bull hath begotten such brutish 
Christians in America, as the '' Jesuites complayne ; I hope 
in the East they teach otherwise. 

That the Pope renounceth his Baptismall Name, I never 
knew the reason before, nor doe I now marvell ; for then 
our Roderigo Borgia was sworne in Baptisme to Christ, 
and tacitely to the Pope : but now he is made Pope 
himselfe, a Name in opposition to all obedience, free 
from both," o avofxo's, exlex ille ; no more Roderigo the 
Christian, subject (it is a terme of all others most odious 
to Popes) to Christ and the Pope, but Alexander the 
Great, the very Pope, emulous to Christ ; his Vicar, which 
doth and receiveth all things, as one and the same Head 
with Christ (giving a World, receiving Kings in Baptisme, 



c. 1621. 
as here) and therefore very Antichrist, both as avriKelfiopoi, 
opposing, and as inropatpojuLovoi in the Name of Christs 
Vicar, with his two Homes like the Lambe, extolling 
himselfe ''above all that is called God, or that is wor- ^.TA.z.mti. 
shipped, ita ut in Templo Dei sedeat ostendens se ''^''"' '^''' 
tanquam sit Deus. And so I leave him, and his Apis, 
his Egyptian Babylonicall Bull : In bayting whereof, if 
I have playd the fierce English MastifFe, no man that hath 
read the storie of the Spanish Dogges in the West Indies 
(which came out of this Kennell) can be justly offended. 
And (besides that the place where I writ this, hath beene Ch. Col. 
a place of argument to move me to enter these Lists) the 
argument of this great Worlce, Navigations, English 
Indian Navigations exacted some Apologie, to shrowd 
themselves from this Bulls pushing and lowd bellowing 
Thunders, NuUi omnino hominum liceat hanc Paginam 
infringere, vel ei ausu temerario contraire : si quis autem 
hoc attentare prsesumpserit, indignationem Omnipotentis 
Dei ac beatorum Petri & Pauli Apostolorum ejus se 
noverit incursurum. The Curse that is causelesse, shall 
not come : God will doe good to David for Shimeis 
cursing. The Catholike Princes of those dayes did not 
beleeve him, nor have they since. The Portugals (as you 
shall presently heare) regarded it not ; and not the Bull, 
but other compromise, stayed them from open Hostilitie. 
The peaceable and wise King of England, Henry the 
seventh, sent presently after Cabota to discover : The 
French, in their France Antartike, and new France, and 
other East and West Navigations, have contradicted. 
These beleeved not, that the Sunne shined onely in one 
Kingdome, whatsoever Combustions this portentuous , 
Comet diffused. And long, long may his Majestie of 
Great Brittaine spread his long and just Armes to the 
furthest East and remotest West, in the gainefuU 
TrafBques, in the painefuU Discoveries, in the Glorious 
and Christian Plantations of his Subjects (maugre such 
Bug-beare, BuU-beare bellowings) Salomon and Hiram, 
Israelites and Tyrians, all Arts and Religions concurring 



c. 1621. 

into one Art of Arts, the Truth of Religion, and advancing 
of the Faith, together with the glory of his Name, the 
splendour of his State, the love of his People, the hopes 
of his Royall Posteritie to the last of Ages. Amen. 

[I. ii.26.] §, VII. 

Of the Portugals discontent and compromise with 
the Spaniard, and their first Discoverie of the 
East Indies. 

He King of Portugall was much discontent, and 

sent his Embassadour to the King and Queene, 

who also sent unto him in Embassage Garcia de 

Herera ; and after that, seeing that the Portugall intended 

' I by force to defend his supposed Right to the Ocean, and 

I by a strong Fleet to dispossesse the Castilians of their 

late Discoverie, sent Don Pedro de Ayala, and Lopez de 

Carvajal ; the substance of whose Embassage, was to 

congratulate with King John his desire of Peace to be 

conserved betwixt them, which was also the care of their 

Catholike Majesties : And as for that difference touching 

Discoveries, which the King by Apostolicall Grant and 

by Possession and Prescription challenged, they would 

yeeld unto any honest course, which might maintaine 

brotherly love and amitie ; themselves being perswaded, 

that their late Discoverie no way concerned him, nor 

disturbed their mutuall League, as not neere Guinea, or 

any of the Portugall Discoveries : That they were content 

to name fit persons, by way of Justice to determine the 

Controversie, or to put it to his Holinesse, to be heard 

Barrius quo {^ t^g Court at Rome. But secretly they gave order, 

/W l"" "*' ^^^^ *^^ Businesse should at least be protracted, and con- 

Hei-eia, Dec. tinued on foot, till they might heare how their second 

I. /. 2. f. 8, Fleet succeeded: which the Embassadour s performed 

9> 'o- cunningly, but not unperceived of King John ; who sayd, 

that Embassage of the Castilians had neyther Head nor 

Feet : smartly insinuating the lame Leg of the one, and 



the light and vain-glorious Braine of the other Embas- 
sador. The Portugall Embassadour had made overture 
of all the North Discoveries thorow the World, to belong 
to Castile, from the Canaries, and thence Southward to the 
Portugall. But this was not accepted. Afterwards, three 
Counsellors of State, on the behalfe of each Kingdome, 
were imployed in this Discoverie of the right and just 
Titles and Bounds of the Discoverers : which on the 
seventh of June, 1493. agreed, That the Line of Partition, JtJ,°^[Ji„. 
contained in the Bull of the Pope, should be extended fringed by a 
270. Leagues further to the West, aU from thence West- latter accord. 
ward to remayne to the Castilian, and Eastward to the 
Portugall Navigation and Conquest : That there should 
be free sayling on both parts, but neyther should send to 
trade without these Limits. This was put in Writing, 
and confirmed on the second of July by the Castilian, on 
the seven and twentieth of February by the Portugall, 
Kings; and Cosmographers also imployed, which should 
designe the said Limitation. And now each partie in- 
tended to prosecute new Discoveries, King John preparing 
a Fleet for search beyond the Cape of Good Hope, on the 
Coast of Africa, whereof Covilian had given him intel- 
ligence. But amids these preparations, God calls him to 
the fatall and finall peregrination of all Flesh. 

Don Emanuel succeeded him in that Crowne the EmanuelKing 
twentieth of October, 1495. And the yeere 1497. "f P^^'^S^'^- 
imployed Vasco di Gama with three * Ships, one Victualler * Bar. Dec i. 
with 160. men. This Voyage had beene the rather thus ' "•"■ ^' '" 
long deferred, because the Portugals in the former Dis- 
coverie having met with such stormes and tempests neere 
the Cape which therefore they called Tormentoso, a new 
Conceit possessed most of the Mariners, as had done 
before touching Cape Bogiadore, that there was no sayling 
any further. But Gama feared no such phantasies, and 
receiving Covilians Map and Instruction, with Letters to 
the Indian Kings, hoysed sayle on the ninth of July (a q^^^ . ^ ^ 
season unfitting, as Experience after shewed) and passing Ef„an. /. i . 
by the He of Saint James, directed his course Eastwards. /. i. 
II 65 E 



Bay of Saint 

The folly of a 



Mutinie the 
fore-runner of 

[I. ii. 27.] 


The first Land he saw, was that which he tearmed the 
Bay of S. Helena (for this was their Customes, to name 
Lands at their first discoverie, of that Saint on whose day 
they discovered the same) where, after three moneths ill 
weather, they went on Land. They tooke some Negros 
of curled haire, whose Language none of theirs could 
understand; which receiving Glasse-Beads, and Bells, 
with other trifling kindnesses, procured their Countrey- 
mens familiaritie and trafliique by signes for such Victuals 
as they had. But one Portugall desiring to goe with 
them to their houses, not liking their diet, and returning 
with much companie, when he came in sight of his owne, 
more for feare then any just cause, cryed out for their 
helpe. This caused the Portugals to come in to succour, 
and the Negros to flye, which with their Poles sharpened 
at the end with Homes, as with sharpe Darts, wounded 
the Christians, and amongst many others, Gama himselfe. 
By this fooles occasion they hastened thence, towards the 
Cape of Good Hope, and encountred such Winterly 
stormes in the way (the time of the yeere being then 
unseasonable) that they were forced to strike sayle, and 
commit themselves to the Windes boysterous tuition; 
and the companie importuned Gama not to permit them 
to so terrible a death, but to hast his returne. Which 
when he constantly refused, they conspired his death : but 
by his brother Pauls relation fore-warned, he fore-armed 
himselfe with vigilant circumspection, and laying the 
Masters in the Bolts, became Master himselfe. 

On the twentieth of November hee doubled the Cape, 
and sayled continually neere the Land, which they saw 
full of Cattell, and People like those at S. Helena, naked, 
inclosing their privities in a receptacle of Wood, uttering 
their speech out of the Throat, as it were sobbing. 
Having refreshed themselves not farre from the Cape, 
they proceeded, and the eight of December a storme drave 
them out of sight of Land, whereto with faire Weather 
they presently returned : and having passed two hundred 
and thirtie miles from their last Watering place, seeing a 




pleasant Countrey, and the Sea deepe hard by the shore, 

and much people, on the tenth of Januarie he sent one 

on shore with a Present, who was kindly used, and with 

their Countrey Presents returned^ Here Gama set two Benefit of 

condemned persons on shore (ten of which he had with "^^^'^"^^ 

him, having pardon of their lives, with condition to be 

set on shore where the Governour saw meet) there to 

observe the Countrey and People. And proceeding, he 

came to a goodly Countrey, where the people coloured 

as the former, were more bold and familiar ; and one 

with ill Arabike signified, that in a Countrey not farre 

thence. Ships like theirs used to come : whence he termed 

that the River of good signes, hoping thence to find out 

India quickly ; erecting also a Stone-Crosse, and naming 

the Countrey S. Raphael, leaving there likewise two other 

condemned persons. 

After refreshing his sicke companie, he departed, and 
on the first of March they espyed seven small Sayles, 
which made toward the AdmiraU, and comming neere, 
with a lowd crie saluted them in Arabike, and made them 
much Musike. The men had Garments of Silke, with 
Linnen Turbants wrought with Gold, and Falchions 
girded to their sides. They came abord were well enter- 
tained, and tell, that the name of the Hand was Mozam- Mo^mbique 
bique, the people Ethnike, but a great part inhabited by ""^^''^ • 
Mores or Mahumetans. For some knowledge of Divine 
Scripture hath in usuall appellation caused a distinction 
of these from others which have no knowledge of God 
but meerely naturall, whom therefore Authors usually 
call Idolaters, or Gentiles and Ethnikes. It was subject 
to the King of Quiloa, and thence was ordinarie Trade ^rj,, f, 
into Arabia, India, and other parts of the World. They andSea-Cards 
learned, that they had passed Zophala, where is much andQuad- 
Gold. rants in use 

It is remarkable, that these Mores used both *Com- ^iM Mores in 
passe, and Sea-Cards or Plats ; Quadrants also, wherewith ^^Jlff^"^ ^^^ 
they observed the height of places, the Sunnes declinations portugaU dis- 
and distance from the Line ; and were furnished with nvered them. 




divers Maritime Mysteries, not much short of the Portu- 
* Mores who S^^®* They mistooke the Christians for Mahumetans of 
are usually Barbary, and therefore used them so kindly. Zacoeja, 
called: I the Governour of the place, to whom they had sent 
thinke that Presents, visited them in great pompe, and was feasted 
fol^lel'^"' on shipboord (the sicke being removed out of sight, and 
because out of ^^^ ^^^^ well armed, for feare of Trecherie) neyther did 
Mauritania, their superstition forbid them to drinke Wine, if it were 
they passed not ignorance rather of that Liquor. He inquired of 
'indtherefir' ^^^^ ^"°^ doubting of their Mahumetisme) whether they 
Tllo/tilt ^^^^ * Mores or Turkes (usually all Mahumetans of 
Reli^on, Africa, Arabia, and the Indian Coasts are called Mores, 
which the from which name, the Greatnesse of the Turke, Tartars, 
SpanishNation Persian, and Mogul!, with I know not what differences 
Discoveries'of °^ ^^'-*-' ^^^^ ^^ ordinary appellation exempted them) he 
Africa and asked also of their Weapons and Mahumetan Bookes. 
India, they Gama answered. That they came out of the remotest 
called Mores. "West ; that they used such Armour as he saw, with such 
ut t e ot er Ordinance able to ruine Castles ; and for his Bookes, he 
Mahumetan, would show them when he had finished his Journey : for 
of which the hee was now in his way to India, and desired his helpe 
knowledge for Pilots to Calicut. This Zacoeja promised ; and the 
hath come to ^^^^ ^^^ brought him two, with whom hee agreed how 
y «(,/ hy the ™iJ^ch Gold he should give to conduct him thither. But 
Castilian or in the midst of all this kindnesse it being perceived that 
Portugall, they were Christians, they devised all mischiefe against 
retayne their (-hem^ which was by one of those Pilots revealed to Gama. 
Turks i^e. They set upon the Christians also as they were filling 
His question is, Water. 

whether they Hereupon Gama with his three ships (for the fourth was 
came out of ggt on fire before) went to "Quiloa, but eyther by 
whicTbefore ^i^cessitie, or their Pilots trecherie, were hindered from 
called Mauri- shore : This Pilot perswaded them to goe to ^ Mombaza, 
tania, gave dissembling, that a great part of that Citie were Christians, 
them this name and that it was a fit place to refresh his sicke men, many 
futffTuriie? °^ ^'® companie being dead, and the rest feeble. The 
''Quiloa. Land is there fertile, the Ayre wholesome, the People hee 
^Mombaza. found trecherous. For the King sent a ship with a 



hundred men, armed "Turk-fashion, which would all have "Morisi 
entred ; but Gama onely suffered foure of the principall, trechene. 
who related their Kings desire of his acquaintance, and 
proffered all kindnesse, if hee would bring his ships 
neerer the Citie. The King also by two condemned 
persons whom he put on shore, sent him Spices, and so 
wrought, that Gama intended to fiilfill his mind : but 
in the way fearing a shelfe, suddenly commanded to cast 
anchor. Whereupon his More-Pilots, by selfe-guiltinesse 
accused, leaped into the Sea, suspecting that their trecherie 
was revealed, having before covenanted with the King of 
Mombaza, to set the ships eyther on ground, or in easie 
possibilitie of taking. The trecherous Pilots escaped in 
Boats : and in the Night the King sent others closely to 
cut their Cables, which by vigilant care they avoided. 

They departed thence for ''Melinde, and there arrived ^Melinde. 
on Easter day. The Houses he found of hewen Stone, 
stately and usefully built, the Countrey fruitfiill, the 
People Idolaters, blacke, with curled haire, from the Navell 
upwards naked, thence clothed with Silkes to the middle 
Legge. Here he found ^Christians of India, which ' Christians of 
much rejoyced at the sight of the Portugals, and admon- rj'^|f 28 1 
ished them of many things fitting to their Voyage. Hee 
was kindly used of the Prince (the King himselfe was 
decrepit) who gave him a Master, an Indian for his 
Navigation. Hence they departed the two and twentieth 
of Aprill, and having passed the Line, with joy recovered 
sight of the Starres, which so long they had not seene. 

§. VIII. 

Of Gamas Acts at Calicut, and his returne. 

He nineteenth of May they had sight of Land, 
being the high Mountaines neere to Calicut, and 
came within two miles of the Citie the same day. 
He gave thankes to God, and set one of his condemned 
persons on shore, who was almost oppressed with multi- 
tudes pressing to see a man of so uncouth habite, till at 




last two Merchants of Tunis easily knew him to be a 
Spaniard: and Monzaida, one of them, asked him in 
Spanish of what parts of Spaine he was; and being 
answered, of Portugall, invited him home: and having 
made him eat and drinke, went on boord with him to 
Gama, and proffered him all kindnesse ; telling him, that 
the King of Calecut (whose Customes were his chiefe 
Revenues) would be glad of their comming. To him 
Gama sent two of his companie with Monzaida, which 
declared to him, that their King moved by his worthy 
fame, had sent one of his Captaines thither, to establish 
mutuaU love and amitie. The King gladly heard them, 
and willed them to bring their Fleet to Pandarane (where 
hee then was) because the road of Calecut was dangerous 
in that season of the yeere, and sent a Pilot to effect it. 
Soone after, the King sent an Officer or Magistrate, called 
Catual, honourably to conduct Gama unto him : who 
appointing Paul Gama his brother over the Fleet, bad 
him, if ought amisse happened to him, that hee should 
returne home, without further care of him. For neyther 
could hee effect his Kings designes otherwise, nor they 
resist that Kings power to relieve him. 

They were no sooner landed, then a Litter received 
Nairosarethe each of them (many Nairos attending on foot) and after 
Guard and that another, and were brought into a sumptuous Temple, 
Souldwrs. esteemed of great sanctitie, which Gama supposed by the 
* Images at Structure, and other *signes, and because he had heard 
the first sight, of many Christians in those parts, to be Christian. At 
the Temple doore foure men met them naked to the 
navill, thence clothed with silke to the knees, having 
three threds from the right shoulder crossed to the left 
side (the habit of Bramenes) which sprinkled holy water 
on them, and gave them sweet poulders. The walls of 
the Temples had many Images painted on them. In the 
midst was a round high Chappell, with a brazen narrow 
doore, having many steps to it, and within, an Image 
which the darkenesse would not suffer them to discerne, 
neyther. might any enter but the Priests, who approaching 




to the Image with their finger pointing to it, twice called 
* Maria, whereat the Catual and his companie falling flat *Howneerea 
on the Earth, presently arose and sayd their prayers. The ':;»"'"tg^titt"e 
Portugals thinking it to be some Service of the Blessed gfUoiatrv? 
Virgin, worshipped her after their wonted manner. Hoo) easie a 
Thence they passed to another Temple of like magni- passage from 
ficence, and after that, to the Kings Palace, Trumpets y^ worship ye 
and Pipes sounding all the while : and the people so ^"'^^^ mrsMp 
thronged, that had not the Nairos made way with their g/ae Devlll 
Swords, they could not have passed. At the Gate they Umselfe? Of 
were met by certaine Nobles, called Caimaes, and ^^f ^^"'^ 
approaching to the roome where the King was, an aged "^!">."" *y 
man clothed in silke from the shoulders to the anckles, / e. 
comming forth, embraced Gama. This was the chiefe The like hap- 
of the Bramenes. The others being first permitted /^»^«^ to th^_ 
entrance, he last of all holding Gama by the hand, followed. "^"^""^'^^ 
It was a large Hall, with many Benches artificially wrought ^g^-' ^^^ 
one above another, in forme of a Theatre. The Floore Picture of 
was covered with Silke, the Walls hanged with Curtaines Venus and 
of Silke, embroydered with Gold. The King lay in a ^o"", ^« . 
rich Bed, with a Tyre on his head set with Stones and h^fship wor- 
wrought with Gold, clothed with Silke, having many shipped the 
golden Claspes on the Brest. On his Eares hung Jewels same, mistak- 
of great value : his Toes and Fingers, with Rings and "'f ^^ fir the 
Gemmes made a glorious splendour : His personage was y^^^^ y^ ^ 
comely, tall, majesticall. Gama saluted him as the use 
here is to the King, and was then placed in a Seat next 
him ; the other Portugals also sate downe. Water was 
brought to wash and coole their hands, and divers Fruits 
to refresh them. After this, he questioned Gama of his 
Embassage : who answered, that it was not the Portugall 
custome to declare Embassages in promiscuous and publike 
Assemblies, but to communicate the same onely with the 
King and his Councell, or Committees. Hereupon the 
King, remooveth into a fairer Roome, and there heard 
Gama relating the worth of his Master King Emanuel ; 
who in a magnanimous spirit, having heard of the re- 
nowned greatnesse of the King of Calicut, and of the 




rarities of India, had in desire of league and friendship, 
' : sent him thither, to begin it in his Name, whence might 
both Honor also and Profit arise to both parts; and 
signified, that he had Letters of Credence unto him. 
The King courteously received his words, and promised 
to acknowledge the King of Portugall as his Brother: 
giving order to the Catual to conduct him to the House 
appointed for his Lodging. The Citie was large, the 

[I. ii. 29.] Houses not being continued, but with Orchyards and 
Gardens distinguished, meanely built, the Law so provid- 
ing, onely the Kings House of Stone. This King at that 
time was chiefe of all the Princes adjoyning both in wealth 
and power. 

After three dayes, Gama conducted by the Catual, 
delivered the King his Letter, and withall a Present, 
which the King seemed to contemne, but was excused 
by the uncertaintie of the Navigation : neyther was any 
Present so good, as the friendship of such a Prince ; from 
whom also if he expected profit, it should be effected by 
ships of Merchandize yerely trading thither. He desired, 
that his Kings Letters might not be interpreted by 
Saracens, forasmuch as he perceived by Monzaida, that 
they sought him a mischiefe. Monzaida interpreted the 
Letter, and the King admonished him to be vigilant 
against SaracenicaU fraudes : for which hee thanked hini)' 

Malice of and departed. These Mores consulted their ruine, and 

Mores. bribed the Courtiers to that end, traducing Gama also for 
a Pyrate and a Spie in shew of a Merchant, a sparke (if 
not timely quenched) likely soone to bring that whole 
State in combustion. This they did partly in hatred of 
the Christian Name, and partly in feare of decaying their 
Trade, communicated thus to Portugalls. The King 
wearied with their importunities, fearing to lose their 
Customes, and feared by the examples of the Mores and 
Negros in Africa, with some exploits in the way, whose 
beggerie also he saw in their Kings contemptible Present, 
and their poore Merchandize, as if he had sent to some 
wilde Negro Prince ; threatned with their departure to 




some other Prince, and to remove their Staple thither 
with his manifest losse, perhaps their owne gayne; 
yeelded to them, and sent the Catual to perswade Gama, 
with promise of all kindnesse, if hee would bring his 
ships neerer, and for securitie deliver up his sayles. But 
he writ to his brother, That if he saw him long detayned, 
to set sayle homewards : and after much contention, 
agrees to send on shore his Merchandize, with men to 
sell them, whereupon he is dismissed to his ship. He 
complayned to the King of the Catual, who gave him 
faire promises, but caused his Merchandize to be carryed 
to Calicut, where he said was better sale. 

Gama was content, and every day sent two or three 
together, to observe the Citie, which yet received no 
offence. He desired of the King to leave a Factor there : 
whereto the King making angry answere, made no reply, 
which caused further anger, and two of his men on shore 
to be committed to custodie, with their Wares. Which 
when he could not re-obtayne by intreatie, hee set upon 
the next ship which came thither, and tooke thence six 
principall men, and then put off further into the Sea. 
The King sent to him, saying, hee wondered much hee 
would apprehend his servants, seeing hee detayned the 
two Portugals only, tiU hee had written to King Emanuel, 
whom also the next day hee sent with Letters : but with- 
held the Wares for their Factor, if hee would send any, 
to dispose thereof. But Gama sayd hee would now leave 
none, and would keepe the men till hee had his goods. 
The day after, Monzaida came to them, and told them, 
that hee had beene in danger of his life for their sakes, 
which having very hardly escaped, hee prayed to carry 
him with them to Portugall ; which they did, and there 
hee became Christian. The King sent his Wares in seven 
Boats ; but Gama refused, and sayd hee would carry those 
Malabars into Portugall, to testifie how injuriously the 
King of Calicut had used him : and presently discharging 
his Ordenance, chased them away. The King was en- 
raged, but his Navie was at that season unrigged, and 



Timoia a 


Goa, and their 




ff^atering of 
S. Blase. 

[I. ii. 30-] 


in harbour. Yet he sent out threescore Merchants against 
them, which were by sudden tempest dispersed. 

Gama from the next Port where hee could arrive, sent 
a Letter with good words to the King, by one of his 
Captives servants. There hee was assaulted by Timoia, 
a Pyrat, with eight ships, whereof hee tooke one well 
furnished, the rest fled. Hee went to Anchediva, to 
amend his ships, and there was saluted by a servant of 
Zabaius, Lord of Goa, an Italian, who in the name of 
his Master offered him all kindnesse, if hee would goe 
thither. This man professed himselfe an Italian, captived 
by Pyrates, and so brought to serve a Mahumetan in 
these parts. Gama perceiving him wittie, but curious 
and busie, suspected and apprehended him, who being 
tortured, confessed himselfe a Tartarian Jew, sent by 
Zabaius for a Spie, whom he carryed with him into Portu- 
gall, where hee was baptized, and proved serviceable in 
many things to the King. 

Thence hee now hasted his departure, and the time 
being unseasonable, came slowly to Magadoxo, on the 
African shore : and because they were Mahumetans, sunke 
and spoyled their ships, and ruined a great part of their 
Walls. At Melinde hee was kindly entertained, and his 
men well refreshed : and within five dayes, for feare of 
Winter at the Cape, set sayle, with an Embassadour from 
Melinde to Portugall. Hee burnt, as unfit for the 
Voyage, the ship of Paul Gama, having need of the 
Mariners to supply the other two. 

On the seven and twentieth of February hee came to 
an Island called Zanzibar, foure and twentie miles from 
the Continent, where hee was well entertayned and 
refreshed of the Prince, though a More. Hee refreshed 
himselfe againe at Saint Biases watering, and on the five 
and twentieth of Aprill doubled the Cape. Thence to 
Saint lago, where by tempest they were parted ; Coelius 
the other Captaine next way to Lisbone, Gama to the 
Tercera, where his brother Paul died ; and soone after, 
to Lisbone, in the yeere 1499. where Coelius had related 




all to the King before. Of an hundred fortie eight, or as 

others report, an hundred and threescore, there returned 

onely five and fiftie, and those very feeble. 

§. IX. 

The second Fleet sent to the East Indies : Their 
discoverie of Brasill, and other Acts. 

Ing Emanuel set forth a second Fleet of thir- 
teene ships, well furnished, with fifteene hundred 
souldiors and munition, under Peter Alvarez 
Capralis, whom he commanded to hold peace and confirme 
amitie, if it might be, with the King of Calecut, and if it 
were possible, to get leave of him to build a Fort neere 
the Citie, where they might be secure from Saracenicall 
Hostilitie. Hee sent also five Franciscans for holy 
OfiBces, both to the Portugals, and if meanes were oif ered, 
for conversion of the Infidels. Hee departed from Lis- 
bone the eight of March, in the secular yeere : and holding 1 500. 
his course to S. lago, there met with a storme which 
scattered the Fleet, and forced one ship to returne home. 
The rest of the Fleet having two dayes after the 
Tempest stayed in vaine for it, set sayle Westward, and 
on the three and twentieth of Aprill had sight of Land, LandofBrasil 
with no lesse marvell then joy. Capralis commanded the fi"' '^"' 
Master to goe neere, and take view of the shore, which 
returned newes of a fertile and well watered Soyle, the 
Natives naked, with long hayre, and Bowes and Arrowes. 
But that night a storme tooke them, which much tormented 
them, tiU at last he light into a safe Harbour, which there- 
upon he called Puerto Seguro. They tooke two Fisher- Puerto Segun. 
men, which by no signes could or would understand them, 
whom with Bells, Bracelets, and Glasses they restored on 
shore; which brought the rest with store of Meale and 
Fruits for like Traffique. Hee named this Land of the 
holy Crosse, since of store of that Wood, called Brasill; 
and having erected a Stone Pillar, sent one of his ships 
backe to Portugall with that newes. Hee had Masse and 



Difficulties in 
all great 




a Sermon on shore, to the great astonishment of the 

On the fift of May hee departed, and on the three 
and twentieth a sudden violent storme sunke foure of 
their ships, not one man escaping ; and soone after, the 
remayning seven with another tempest were severed : and 
on the five and twentieth of July six of them held their 
course together, one being separated, which pierced into 
the Arabian Gulfe, or Red Sea ; and thence returned home 
with onely six men, the rest perishing by famine and 
diseases. The other six having doubled the Cape of good 
Hope, found Land pleasant and fertile, but the people 
would not trade with them, then destitute of provision. 
At last they espyed two ships at anchor, which having 
sight of the Portugals, fled, but were pursued and taken : 
but learning that they belonged to Foteima, a Prince in 
amitie with the King of Melinde, he let them passe with 
great store of Gold which they had brought from Zofala, 
with other rich commodities. At Mozambique he watered 
without impediment, and bought Victuals, and hired a 
Pilot to Quiloa. The King of Quiloa's Dominion 
extended nine hundred miles in length, his subjects 
being some blacke, some coloured, speake Arabike, besides 
other Languages, Merchants of divers Countries trading 
amongst them. It is separate from Land with a narrow 
Sea, foure hundred miles from Mozambique, fiill of 
Springs, Trees, Cattell wilde and tame, rich in Soyle and 
Fishing. The Citie great and populous, with magnificent 
Houses, with store of furniture : Their ships, for want 
of Pitch, trimmed with a bastard Frankincense. Capralis 
sent to Abrahem the King, who kindly entertayned the 
Messengers, and promised next day to come aboord: 
which hee did in Barges gallantly decked, his companie 
attyred in Gold, Purple, or Silke, with Swords and 
Daggers, having in the Hilts gemmes of great splendour ; 
the Ayre filled with Trumpets and Pipes, confused with 
the Trumpets and Ordinance of the Portugals, who in 
their best attyre went into their Boats to meet him. The 




King heard his Letters and Embassage with joy, and 

promised to hold his Master for his brother, and the next 

day was designed for confirmation of the League. The 

Mores with wily arts intervert this amitie, upbrayding to Mores tre- 

the King his simplicitie, that would give such credit to ' ""' 


Capralis hearing this, holdeth on his way to Melinde, Melinde. 
where with incredible gladnesse hee was welcommed, and 
the Embassador now returned to his Master with the 
King of Portugals Presents, namely, a faire Horse sumptu- 
ously trapped, with other gifts. Here Capralis would 
not stay, but left two exiles or condemned persons there, 
to enquire if any way were open to Prester John, and to 
learne the Customes of the Countrey. On the two and 
twentieth of August he came to Anchediva, and there a Anchedlva. 
while refreshed his companie ; which having done, he 
sayled to Calicut. The King sent two Nairos with a Calicut. 
Guzarate Merchant to salute Capralis, who sent with them 
backe his Christened Jew, and foure of those Nairos, or 
Courtiers, which Gama had taken the yeere before (two 
hee detayned as Pledges) with John Sala a Portugall, 
all in Portugall habite, whereat the King rejoyced. In 
a Palace neere the shore, the King entertayned Capralis, [I. ii-S'-] 
who had left Sancius Thoare with command of the Fleet, 
and after much complement, promised him more then he 
asked : Gave them free libertie of Trade, and Houses 
fitting thereto, the Patent or Charter being a Table of 
Gold, with Letters engraved, for perpetuall memorie. 
He gave them leave to erect the Banner of King Emanuel 
on their House top, as a Monument of his love to their 
Master. Hearing of a strong and well manned ship com- 
ming from Cochin to Cambaia, with a mightie and warly 
Elephant therein, he sent to entreat Capralis to take it, 
whereto he employed one of his smallest Vessels : whereat 
the King marvelled, having before set certaine Saracens 
or Mores of purpose to observe their behavior in that 
Enterprise, especially seeing the great ship chased to 
Cananor, about fortie miles North from Calicut, into Cananor, 





Warre begun 
twixt Mores 

which they compelled her the next day as Captive to 

This did but kindle the envy of the Mores, who to 
their wonted Arts added the fore-stalling the Market, and 
giving greater prices : so, that whereas they ha'd beene 
promised lading in twentie dayes, they had expected three 
moneths, when meane time the Saracenicall ships were 
laden and gone, contrarie to their late League, which 
concluded them the first to be served. He sent notice 
to the King, who seemed to be offended with the Mores, 
giving them leave to lade themselves out of their ships, 
paying them their money layd out. Capralis fearing to 
execute this, by Correa the Cape Merchant was impor- 
tuned ; and one ship now setting sayle, was brought 
TndPortueals. backe by them into the Haven, whereupon grew great 
broyles, the King seeming contented they should try it 
out betwixt them. They therefore with a companie of 
Nairos, on the seventeenth of December rush into the 
Portugall House, which Correa by a signe erected signi- 
fieth to the Fleet. He had with him seventie men 
against foure thousand ; so that he with fiftie others were 
slaine : the rest were by the assistance of their fellowes 
in Boats conveyed aboord. Capralis then sick of a Quar- 
tane, and more of this disaster, perceiving the King 
conscious (a Fautor, if not Author) of this designe, 
assayled the next day ten great ships of the Mores, and 
slew six hundred of them, distributed the rest as slaves 
in their ships, and laded themselves with the goods, being 
forced for want of provision to kill three Elephants, and 
salt them for food. Which done, hee set the ships on 
fire, and that in the night, for greater terror. The 
morrow next he assaulted the Towne with Ordenance 
from his ships, and slew many, one of which a Courtier, 
at the Kings feet. 

After this, Capralis went to Cochin, a hundred and 
seventie miles Southward, being a sure Haven. The 
King was then poore, and tributarie to Calecut. To him 
he sent an Indian Jogue, a begging Frier of that Bramene 




c. 1502. 
Religion, which by the Portugall Friers had beene con- 
verted and baptized by the Name of Michael. The King 
promised all that they requested, and entertained them 
in a House fit for Trade. The Kings of Cananor and 
Coulam sent thither to them offer of League and Traffique. Coulam. 
But Capralis fixed here his Staple : where two Christians Staple erected 
of Cranganor, twentie miles distant, desired and obtayned "' ^"^f^^^- 
of him to carry them into Portugall, that they might have 
a sight of Rome and Jerusalem. 

Not long after, hee had newes of the King of Calicuts 
Fleet, of twentie great ships, and many small, with fifteene 
hundred men therein, sent to be revenged of the Portu- 
gal, which he went forth to assayle, but was scanted of 
Winde which they had, and willingly wanted, for feare 
of the Ordenance. So leaving two Factors at Cochin, 
and having taken in the rest of his freight at Cananor, 
he departed the sixteenth of January, and neere to Melinde 
tooke a ship, which perceiving it belonged to a More 
of Cambaia, hee dismissed, professing no quarrell in India, 
but to Calecut alone, and the Mores of Mecca. One of 
their ships was here wracked, the remainders whereof he 
burned, to prevent the enemies spoyle. He employed 
one of his ships in the search of Zophala, and returned 
with the rest to Lisbone, where he arrived the last of July, 
and was welcommed of the King, who had before sent 
three other ships on the same Voyage. And in the yeere The third, aitd 
following, 1502. hee sent Vascus Gama againe with ten ■^rTp"'"^ 
ships and Soderius with another Fleet, giving him com- i^jja"^"^" 
mission to make himselfe *Lord of the Sea, and to doe * Commission 
his utmost against the Mores. This consisted of fifteene to make them- 
ships. Five others he sent under Stephen Gama, and so "^'"" ^^- "f 
proceeded in his fortunes, that in a few yeeres he made ' ^ ^''' 
himselfe Lord of the Indian Trade and Navigation, and 
subdued the Kingdomes of Ormus, Goa, and Malacca, 
with other parts of the East, to the Portugall Scepter, to 
the great enriching of that State, and the Indian partakers ; 
whereof Cochin hath from a poore estate arisen to great- 
nesse, and Calicut beene eclipsed. 



c. 1502, 

But as those Spanish Westerne Discoveries and Acts, 
so these Easterne of the Portugals I leave to their owne 
Authors: such as for the former, are P. Martyr, Ciefa, 
Viega, Oviedo, Herera, Gomara, Benzo, and the rest; 
and for the later, Barrius, Osorius, Maffaeus, Castaneda, 
and others. I intend in this place onely to shew the 
beginning of Trade, and Navigation in both parts : and 
the occasion hence arising, of the first sayling round about 
the Globe. 

[l.n.3^.] §. X. 

Albuquerques Exploits, and the first knowledge 
of the Molucca's. 

E have heard of the Quarrell twixt Sivill and 
Lisbone, or the Castilian and Portugall com- 
pounded, each sharing a moitie of the World. 

Molucca's. Some question grew of the Molucca's, after the discoverie 
of them by the Portugals, whether they appertayned to 
the Castilian or Lusitanian share. It is to be considered, 
that ten yeeres after Gama's discoverie, and ill usage at 
Calecut, the Portugalls sought all this time revenge, and 
in great part effected it, notwithstanding the Indian Poten- 
tates, the Egyptian Sultans assistance (as long after the 
Turkes succeeding in that State and Quarrell) maintaining 
their Trade, and propagating their Sea and Land-Sove- 
raigntie in those parts, although with some vicissitude of 
fortune, and with losse even this Summer of some of 
their principall Commanders : Almeida the late Viceroy 
basely perishing neere the Cape of Good Hope, by the 
hands of wilde Negros ; Cotinius, whiles hee envyed any 
partner in the glory of taking the Kings Palace at Calecut, 
whiles Albuquerque set the Citie on fire, and permitting 
his souldiors to over-hastie pillage, losing his late-gotten 
purchase, and himselfe ; and Albuquerque himselfe carryed 
away neere dead, with divers wounds. 

Mass. I. 4. Whiles these things were done at Calecut, Didacus 
Lupius Sequeria was sent out of Portugall, to begin amitie 



c. 1508. 
with Malacca: who was the first that having passed the Malacca. 
Promontorie Cory, and sayling thorow the Bengalan or Cape Cory. 
Gangetike Bay, touched on Sumatra, divided by a narrow G.ofBengala. 
and dangerous Strait from the Continent of Malacca, ^'"""f"- 
eyther being or supposed to bee in old times a Cher- 
sonessus or Pen-Insula (every where encompassed with 
Waves, but by one Neck of Land fastened to the Maine) 
and called as some will have (though others ascribe it to 
Malacca and the Siam Kingdome) Aurea, or the Golden, Chtjse,or 
beincr indeed rich in Gold, and other Metals, as this '^'"'^'' C''"'- 

9 XT- • '11 1 smessus. 

ensuing Historic will shew. 

Sequeria having here made League with the Kings of 
Pedir and Achen, and erected such Stone PiUars as before 
are mentioned, in both places, as Monuments thereof, 
passed to Malacca, where hee received great kindnesse of 
Mamudius a Mahumetan, which had usurped that State 
by force from the Siamite, who yet as the Samorin, or 
King of Calecut, by the Mores was altered, and sought 
by Treason to murther the Portugals, and seize on their 
ships. For pretending, after League confirmed, to enter- 
tayne him in a Feast, Sequeria having intelligence, excused 
himselfe by sicknesse: whereupon hee offered extra- 
ordinarie favour to lade his ships (contrarie to the custome 
of that Port) before all those which had beene there before ^'"'^ feche- 
them, which must bee carryed closely, for feare of disgust '^' "' ^''^' 
and mutinie of other Merchants ; which Sequeria accepted 
thankfully, and sent his men to divers places assigned. 
Patiacus, the sonne of Utimutis, the next man in Malacca 
after the King, was sent aboord to complement with him, 
till a signe given by smoake from a certaine place, should 
at once arme the rest in other places, and him on ship- 
boord to sudden and unexpected slaughter. It happened, 
that Sequeria, at Patiacus his comming, was at Chesse ; Chesse-play in 
which he dissemblingly willed him to continue, that he ^"''"'■ 
might observe our difference from them in that Play. 
But whiles hee waited the smoake, others of Malacca had 
not that patience, but misorderly began their furie, which 
was espyed from the ship tops by a Mariner, who cryed 
11 81 F 


c. 1508. 

Ormuz itiiu- 
tarie to Por- 

Bar. Dec. 2. 
I. 10. 

Mass. I. 4. in 

See Bar. Dec. 
2./. 5,6, y 7. 
Osor. de reb. 
;Sot. 7,8,9, 10. 

Goa wonne 
and lost, and 

[I- >i- 33-] 

Red Sea. 


Treason : whereupon they running to their Armes, ,the 
Malaccans leaped over boord, and they sent some to helpe 
their fellowes, whiles the rest cut their Cables, to have 
Sea-roome for their Ship-fights, and by terror of their 
Ordenance easily chased the Navie, set purposely to assayle 
them. But of those on shore, fortie were slaine, and more 
captived, which ministred just cause of quarrell to their 
Countreymen, whom Sequeria had sent notice hereof, 
himselfe passing directly to the Cape, and so to Lisbone. 

Albuquerque had now recovered of his wounds, and 
minded to recover Ormuz, the King whereof had before 
acknowledged Vassallage to King Emanuel, with fifteene 
thousand Serafines of Gold yeerely tribute, and leave to 
the Portugals to erect there a Fort ; which the slacknesse 
first, and after that, open mutinie of his owne men, had 
frustrated ; Zeifadin the King having intelligence thereof, 
and thereby taking occasion to shake off the Portugal! 
yoake. Hee pretended feare of Ismael the Persian Xa, 
or Sophi, whose tributarie he was, but was regayned after- 
wards (it was the last Act of Albuqxierques Life) and the 
Persian also not discontented, yea, sending an Embas- 
sadour to treat of Peace, as having their Actions in 
admiration. But at this time having collected a Fleet of 
one and twentie sayle, in his way thither was intercepted 
by the opportunitie of Goa, whose Prince Zabaius, in the 
midst of his preparations against the Portugals, was lately 
dead, leaving his young sonne Idalcan as full of troubles, 
as emptie of experience. Timoia, a famous Pyrate, and 
Lord of an Hand not farre off, gave this intelligence, with 
proffer of his best assistance therein : Whereupon a 
suddaine Siege, and surprize thereof, was made, -upon 
Conditions ; the Portugals wondering to see themselves 
so easily Lords of such Wealth. But Idalcan with force 
and famine soone expelled them ; which yet, not long 
after, they recovered, to the great honour of that Nation 
in those parts. 

Intending next to enter the Red Sea, the Northwest 
Windes repelled this victorious Generall or Vice-roy from 



c. 1508. 
that attempt, but offered faire oportunitie for Malacca, 
which he readily apprehended : and first demanded his 
Prisoners of Mamudius, which hee sayd were fled ; but 
seeing his Towne on fire, was forced to present unto him. 
And when his Conditions demanded seemed great, namely, 
the charges of both Fleets, and restitution of things lost ; 
Mamudius was animated by some, rather to defend him- 
selfe by Warre : the effect whereof, was the losse of that Malacca won. 
pettie Kingdome, and of himselfe with griefe. 

In the way thither, Albuquerque had met with some 
ships lately come from thence, which he assaulted and 
tooke : in which prelude of a greater Warre, this happened 
remarkable, That Naodabeguea, one of those which had 
before conspired against Sequeria, received divers wounds, 
by which at last hee fell, but neyther Bloud nor Soule 
issued, which both, as from a broken Vessell, suddenly 
fled, after a gold Chayne was taken from his arme. The ^ Chayne of 
cause, they learned to be a Bone of a Beast called Cabis, S"f ^"■'"'• 
in the Countrey of Siam, which being included in that ji^ange Beast. 
Chayne, included the bloud also, those open passages 
notwithstanding. This Jewell was sent into Portugall for 
a raritie, but perished by shipwracke in the way. 

The victorie at Malacca spread the Portugall fame, 
caused Leagues and Legates of divers Nations ; and 
occasioned their search and discoverie of the Hands of 
Amboino, Banda, and the Molucca's. Yea, the Samorin ^mboino, 
of Calecut, and Idalcan himselfe sought their amitie, and ^", "' , 
the Negus of Abassia or Prester John sent an Embassador 
into Portugall. The King of Maldiva became Vassall Maldiva. 
to King Emanuel. Antonius Abreus was employed for 
the Molucca's : which first came to Java, then to Amboino, 
setting his Stone Pillars in both places : next to Banda, the 
name of divers Hands, where Nutmegs and Mace onely, 
for ought then knowne, in all the World, did grow. The ; ' 
fame of Malacca had pierced hither, and prepared easie , 

Conditions to a League ; as also to the Molucca's : where 
the two emulous Kings of Ternate and Tidore were 
ambitious which should first winne them to their side ; 



c. 1508. 

Booke is ex- 
tant in 
first Tome ; 
and a great 
part thereof 
Englished by 
R. Eden, to 
which here is 
added other 
parts thereof, 
out of Ram. 
his Copy. 

Osor. I. II. 
Mass. I. 8. 
Voyage trans- 
lated out of 
Ma. Tran- 
sylvano Epist. 
ad Ramus. 
Herera. Dec. 
2. /. 9. c. 10. 
Lop. Faz. &c. 


their mutuall Quarrels opening a ready advanta,ge to the 
Portugals, by taking part with one to make his best of 

These Quarrels they have transmitted to their Posteri- 
tie ; and even at this day the Hollander taking part with 
the one, and the Spaniard (who hath here succeeded the 
Portugall) with the other, out of their evils gather benefit 
to themselves. So foolish, and not impious alone, is Strife, 
that besides mutuall mischiefes to and by each other, they 
expose themselves to forraine both scorne and gayne. 

Chap. II. 

Of Fernandus Magalianes : The occasion of his 
Voyage, and the particulars of the same, with 
the compassing of the World by the Ship 
called San Victoria; gathered out of * Antonio 
Pigafetta, an Italian of Vicenza, who was one 
in the said Circum-Navigation, as also from 
divers other Authors. 

Ne which served under Albuquerque in 
these victorious Warres, was Fernandus 
Magalianes, a Portugall, a Gentleman 
of great spirit : who having made good 
and manyfold proofe of his valour 
and value both in Africa and India, 
and being rejected in a suit to the 
King, for augmenting his stipend halfe a Duckat 
a moneth ; conceiving deepe indignation hereat, he 
renounced his allegeance to his Master King Emanuel, 
and betooke himselfe to the Court of Castile, with 
Ruy Falero, a professed Astrologer (the Portugals say, 
a Conjurer) and acquainted the Emperour, that the 
Hands of Banda and of the Molucca's (the one the onely 
Store-house of Nature for Nutmegs and Mace, the other 
for Cloves) appertained to him, by that Division which 
King John the second and King Ferdinand and Isabel 



of Castile had agreed on, that is, to the Westerne moitie 
of the World, from the prescribed Limits before men- 
tioned. And with a bold and admirable attempt, offered 
also by the West to discover these rich Hands of Spicerie. 

The Portugall Authors speake here nothing but 
Treason, and cry out upon him as a Traitor, for 
sowing Seeds likely to produce Warre twixt Castile and 
Portugall : Nor doe I, in those things, undertake to justifie 
him. But out of his whatsoever evill, God produced this 
good to the World, that it was first by his meanes sayled 
round : Nor was his neglect of his Countrey neglected, [I. ii. 34.] 
or revengefiill mind unrevenged, as the sequele mani- 
festeth, by his untimely and violent death. 

Five ships were furnished at the Emperors command : 
the Trinitie Admirall, Stephen Gomes a Portugall, Pilot ; 
of San Victoria, was Luys de Mendoza Captaine; John 
de Cartagena of the ship S. Antonio ; John Serran of the 
ship S. lago ; and Caspar de Quexada of the ship Con- 
ception : Magalianes himselfe being made Generall. The 
whole companie was two hundred thirtie seven, or (as some 
say) two hundred and fiftie ; of which, thirtie were Portu- 
gals. On the tenth of August, 151 9. they departed from 
Sivill; the six and twentieth of September they arrived 
at Tenarife ; the third of October they sayled betwixt 
the Hands and Cape Verde. They sayled many dayes in 
the sight of the Coast of Guinea, and had a great calme 
seventie dayes, which they spent in attaining the Line. /" 

When they had sayled past the Equinoctiall Line, they The;^ lost the 
lost the sight of the North starre, and sayled by the South- 'k^^ "f*^^ 
west, untill they came to a Land named Brasilia, being •r[^ //"'J^f 
two and twentie degrees and a halfe toward the South ^raslle. 
Pole or Pole Antartike. This Land is continuate, and The South 
one firme Land with the Cape of Saint Augustine, which Pole- 
is eight degrees from the Equinoctiall. In this Land they 
were refreshed with many good Fruits of innumerable 
kindes, and found here also very good Sugar Canes, and Sugar. 
divers kindes of Beasts and other things, which I omit for 




They departed from this Land, and sayled to the foure 
and twentieth degree and a halfe, toward the Pole Antar- 
tike, where they found a great River of fresh Water, and 

Canibals. certaine Canibals. Of these, they saw one out of their 

Giants. ships, of Stature as big as a Giant, having a voyce like 

a Bull. Our men pursued them, but they were so swift 
of foot, that they could not overtake them. About the 

Insuk mouth of this River are seven Hands, in the biggest 

emmarum. ^j^g^ggf (.jjgy. found certaine precious Stones, and called 

Caf.S.Marie. it the Cape of Saint Mary. The Spaniards thought, that 
by this River they might have passed into the South Sea : 
But they were deceived in their opinion ; for there was 
none other passage then by the River, which is seventeene 
Leagues large in the mouth. 

Thus following this Coast by the tract of the Land 

The Pole toward the Pole Antartike, they came to a place where 

Antarttke. ^^^.^ ^^^ Hands replenished with Pengwins and Seales. 

Seaks. These were in such number, that in an houre all the five 

ships might have beene laden with Pengwins, being all 
of blacke colour, and such as cannot flye. They live of 
Fish, and are so fat, that they could scarcely slay them. 
They have no feathers, but a certaine Downe, and their 
bylls like Ravens bylls. Here were they in great danger 
by Tempest ; But as soone as the three Fires, called Saint 
Helen, Saint Nicholas, and Saint Clare, appeared upon the 
Cables of the ships, suddenly the tempest and furie of the 
Windes ceased. 

The ifi:).degree Departing from hence, they sayled to the nine and 

of th South fortieth degree and a halfe, under the Pole Antartike: 

where being Wintered, they were inforced to remayne 

there for the space of two moneths, all which time they 

■' saw no man, except that one day by chance they espyea 

Giants. a man of the stature of a Giant, who came to the Haven 

dancing and singing, and shortly after seemed to cast dust 
over his head. The Captaine sent one of his men to the 
shore with the ship Boat, who made the like signe of 
peace. The which thing the Giant seeing, was out of 
feare, and came with the Captaines servant to his presence 




into a little Hand. When hee saw the Captaine with 

certaine of his companie about him, hee was greatly 

amazed, and made signes, holding up his hand to Heaven, 

signifying thereby, that our men came from thence. This 

Giant was so big, that the head of one of our men, of a '^j^f^"^^ 

meane stature, came but to his Waste. He was of good '■' 

corporature, and well made in all parts of his body, with 

a large Visage, painted with divers colours, but for the 

most part yellow. Upon his Cheekes were painted two 

Harts, and red Circles about his Eyes. The Hayre of 

his Head was coloured white, and his Apparrell was the 

Skinne of a Beast sowed together. This Beast (as seemed 

unto us) had a large head, and great eares like unto a 

Mule, with the body of a Cammell, and tayle of a Horse. 

The feet of the Giant were foulded in the said Skinne, after 

the manner of shooes. He had in his hand a big and 

short Bowe, the String whereof was made of a sinew of 

that Beast. He had also a Bundell of long Arrowes, 

made of Reedes, feathered after the manner of ours, typt 

with sharpe stones in the stead of Iron heads. The 

Captaine caused him to eat and drinke, and gave him many 

things, and among other, -a great Looking-Glasse : In the 

which, as soone as he saw his owne likenesse, hee was 

suddenly afraid, and started backe with such violence, that 

he overthrew two that stood neerest about him. When 

the Captaine had thus given him certaine Hawkes Bells, 

and other great Bells, with a Looking-Glasse, a Combe, 

and a payre of Beads of Glasse, he sent him to land with 

foure of his owne men well armed. 

Shortly after, they saw another Giant, of somewhat -^inother 

greater stature, with his Bowe and Arrowes in his hand. G'''"'- 

As hee drew neere unto our men^ he layd his hand on 

his head, and pointed up toward Heaven, and our men 

did the like. The Captaine sent his ship Boat, to bring 

him to a little Hand, being in the Haven. This Giant 

was very tractable, and pleasant. Hee sung and danced, 

and in his dancing, left the print of his feet on the ground. 

Hee remayned long with our men, who named him John. [I. ii. 35.] 



Foure other 

Two Giants 
are taken by a 

The Devill 

to the Giants 
when they die. 


Hee could well speake, and plainely pronounce these 
wofdsj Jesus, Ave Maria, Johannes, even as wee doe, but 
with a bigger voyce. The Captaine gave him a Shirt of 
Linnen Cloth, and a Coat of white Woollen Cloth ; also 
a Cap, a Combe, a Looking-Glasse, with divers such other 
things, and so sent him to his companie. The day follow- 
ing hee resorted againe to the shippes, and brought with 
him one of those great Beasts, which hee gave the Captaine. 
But after that day they never saw him more, supposing him 
to be slaine of his owne company, for the conversation he 
had with our men. 

After other fifteene dayes were past, there came foure 
other Giants without any Weapons, but had hid their 
Bowes and Arrowes in certaine Bushes. The Captaine 
retayned two of these, which were youngest and best made. 
Hee tooke them by a deceit ; giving them Knyves, 
Sheeres, Looking-Glasses, Bells, Beades of Crystall, and 
such other Trifles, hee so filled their hands, that they could 
hold no more : then caused two payre of shackles of Iron 
to bee put on their legges, making signes, that hee would 
also give them those Chaynes ; which they liked very 
well, because they were made of bright and shining metall. 
And whereas they could not carry them, because their 
hands were full, the other Giants would have carryed 
them : but the Captaine would not suffer them. When 
they felt the shackles fast about their legges, they began 
to doubt : but the Captaine did put them in comfort, and 
bad them stand still. In fine, when they saw how they 
were deceived, they roared like BuUs, and cryed upon their 
great Devill Setebos, to helpe them. Being thus taken, 
they were immediately separate and put in sundry shippes. 
They could never binde the hands of the other two : yet 
was one of them with much difficultie overthrowne by 
nine of our men, and his hands bound ; but he suddenly 
loosed himselfe, and fled, as did also the other that came 
with them. In their flying, they shot off their Arrowes, 
and slew one of our men. They say, that when any of 
them die, there appeare ten or twelve Devils, leaping and 




dancing about the bodie of the dead, and seeme to have 

their bodies painted with divers colours, and that among 

other, there is one scene bigger then the residue, who 

maketh great mirth and rejoycing. This great Devill 

they call Setebos, and call the lesse Cheleule. One of these 

Giants which they tooke, declared by signes, that hee had 

scene Devils with two homes above their heads, with long 

hayrc downe to their feet ; and that they cast forth fire at 

their throats both before and behind. The Captaine 

named these people Patagoni. The most part of them Paiagoni. 

weare the Skinnes of such Beasts whereof I have spoken 

before: and have no Houses of continuance, but make 

certaine Cottages, which they cover with the said Skinnes, 

and carry them from place to place. They live of raw 

Flesh and a certaine sweet Root, which they call Capar. 

They are very jealous of their Women. When they are 

sicke at the stomacke, they put an Arrow halfe a yard or 

more downe the Throat, which makes them vomit greene 

choler and bloud. For head-ach, they make a cut over 

the for-head, and let themselves bloud. The like they 

doe on the arme, or legge, in any Aches. They cut their 

hayre like Friers, but a little longer, and binde it with a 

Cotton hayre-lace. By reason of Cold in those parts, they 

trusse up themselves so, as the genitall member is hidden 

within the body. One of these which they had in their Tie Giants 

shippes, did eate at one meale a Basket of Biskct, and /^^'^'"S- 

drunke a Bowie of Water at a draught. 

They rcmayned five moneths in this Port of Saint 
Julian ; where certaine of the under Captaines conspiring TAey conspire 
the death of their Generall, were hanged and quartered : "S"*"''. '^*'' 
among whom, the Treasurer Luigo of Mendozza was one. "^ "*""' 
Certaine of the other Conspirators he left in the said Land 
of Patagoni ; namely, John de Cartagena, and a Priest. 
They erected there a Crosse, in token of possession. 

Departing from hence to the two and fiftieth degree, 
toward the Pole Antartike, lacking a third part, they 
found a River of fresh Water and good Fish. Their 
shippes were here in great danger. They remayned two 





The South 


Mare Pacifi 


The Giants 

died for heat. 

moneths in this Port, where they made new provision of 

fresh Water, Fuell, and Fish. Here the Captaine caused 

Confession. all his men to be confessed. Approching to the two and 

The Strait of fiftie degrees, they found the Strait now called the Strait 

Magellanus. gf Magellanus, being in some place a hundred and ten 

Leagues in length, and in bredth somewhere very large, 

and in other places little more then halfe a League in 

bredth. On both the sides of this Strait, are great and 

high Mountaines covered with Snow, beyond the which, 

is the entrance into the Sea of Sur. This entrance the 

Captaine named Mare Pacificum. Here one of the ships, 

Saint Antonio, stole away privily, and returned into 

Spaine : In this was one of the Giants, who died as soone 

as he felt the heat that is about the Equinoctiall Line. 

When the Captaine Magalianes was past the Strait, and 
saw the way open to the other maine Sea, hee was so glad 
thereof, that for joy the teares fell from his eyes, and 
named the point of the Land from whence he first saw 
that Sea, Capo Desiderato. Supposing that the ship 
which stole away, had beene lost, they erected a Crosse 
upon the top of a high Hill, to direct their course in the 
Strait, if it were their chance to come that way. 

They found, that in this Strait, in the moneth of Octo- 
ber, the Night was not past foure houres long. They 
found in this Strait, at every three miles, a safe Haven, 
and excellent Water to drinke ; Wood also, and Fish, 
and great plentie of good Herbes. They thinke, that 
there is not a fairer Strait in the World. Here also they 
saw certaine flying Fishes. 

The other Giant which remayned with them in the ship, 
named Bread, Capar ; Water, Oli ; red Cloth, Cherecai ; 
red colour, Cheiche ; blacke colour, Amel : And spoke all 
his words in the throat. On a time, as one made a Crosse 
before him, and kissed it, shewing it unto him, hee sud- 
denly cried Setebos, and declared by signes^ that if they 
made any more Crosses, Setebos would enter into his body, 
and make him burst. But when in fine hee saw no hurt 
come thereof, hee tooke the Crosse, and embraced, and 


Capo Desi- 

Short nights 
in the moneth 
of October. 

[I. ii. 36.] 

Flying Fishes. 
The Giants 



kissed it oftentimes, desiring, that hee might bee a Chris- 
tian before his death. Hee was therefore baptized, and The Giant is 

1 T» 1 baptized. 

named raul. -^ 

Departing out of this Strait into the Sea called Mare 
Pacificum, the eight and twentieth day of November, in 
the yeere 1520. they sayled three moneths and twentie Three moneths 
dayes before they saw any Land : and having in this time J^f ^|f ,^^f ^y 
consumed all their Bisket and other Victuals, they fell into ^^„^ 
such necessitie, that they were inforced to eate the powder Extreme 
that remayned thereof, being now full of Wormes^ and Famine. 
stinking like Pisse, by reason of the salt Water. Their 
fresh Water was also putrified, and became yellow. They 
did eate Skinnes and pieces of Leather, which were foulded 
about certaine great Ropes of the shippes : but these 
Skinnes being made very hard, by reason of the Sunne, 
Raine, and Winde, they hung them by a Cord in the Sea, 
for the space of foure or five dayes, to moUifie them, and 
sod them, and ate them. By reason of this Famine, and Diseases, of 
uncleane feeding, some of their gummes grew so over •f««'»^- ■ 
their teeth, that they died miserably for hunger. And by 
this occasion died nineteene men, and also the Giant, with 
an Indian of the Land of Brasile, otherwise called Terra 
de Papagalli, that is, the Land of Popingayes. Beside 
these that died, five and twentie or thirtie were so sick, 
that they were not able to doe any service with their hands 
or armes for feeblenesse : so that there was in manner none 
without some Disease. 

In these three moneths and twentie dayes, they sayled 
foure thousand Leagues in one Gulfe, by the said Sea 
called Pacificum, that is, peaceable : which may well be so 
called, forasmuch as in all this time having no sight of any 
Land, they had no misfortune of Winde, or any other 
Tempest. During this time also, they discovered onely 
two little Hands unhabited, where they saw nothing but 
Birds and Trees, and therefore named them infortunate Unfortunate 
Hands, being one from the other about two hundred Hands. 
Leagues distant. The first of these Hands, is from the 
Equinoctiall toward the Pole Antartike fifteene degrees, 




and the other five. Their sayling was in such sort, that 

What they they sayled dayly betweene fiftie, threescore, to seventie 

saykddayly. Leagues. So that in fine, if God of his mercie had not 

given them good Weather, it was necessarie, that in this 

so great a Sea they should all have died for hunger. 

They considered in this Navigation, that the Pole 
Antartike hath no notable starre, after the sort of the Pole 
The starres Artike. But they saw many starres gathered together, 
about the South ^hich are like two Clouds, one separate a little from an- 
" ' other, and somewhat darke in the middest. Betweene 

these, are two starres, not very big, nor much shining, 
which move a little : and these two are the Pole Antar- 
The Needle of The Needle of their Compas varied somewhat, and 
the Compas. turned ever toward the Pole Artike ; nevertheless, had 
no such force, as when it is in these parts of the Pole 
Artike : Insomuch, that it was necessarie to helpe the 
The Load- Needle with the Load-stone, before they could sayle 
stone. therewith, because it moved not, as it doth when it is in 

these our parts. When they were in the middest of the 
Gulfe, they saw a Crosse of five cleare starres, directly 
toward the West, and of equall distance the one from the 

In these dayes they sayled between the West and South 
The Equinoc- so farre, that they approched to the Equinoctiall Line, and 
tiall Line. ^vere in longitude from the place from whence they first 
departed, a hundred and twentie degrees. In this course 
The Hands of they sayled by two Hands of exceeding height, whereof 
?'^''I5v" ^'^ ""^^ named Cipanghu, is twentie degrees from the Pole 
Antartike ; and the other named Sumbdit, fifteene de- 
grees. When they were past the Equinoctiall Line, they 
sayled betweene the West and Southwest, at the quarter 
of the West, toward the Southwest more then a hundred 
Leagues, changing their sayies to the quarter of the South- 
west, untill they came to the thirteene degrees above the 
Equinoctiall, toward the Pole Artike, intending as much as 
were possible, to approch to the Cape called of the old 
Writers Cattigara : the which is not found as the old 




Cosmographers have described it, but it is toward the 
North about twelve degrees, as they afterwards under- 

When they had thus sayled seventie Leagues of this 
Voyage, in the twelfth degree above the Equinoctiall, and 
a hundred fortie six degrees of Longitude (as I have said) 
the sixt day of March they discovered a little Hand to- 
ward the Northwest, and two other toward the South- 
west ; but the one was higher and bigger then the other. 
In the biggest of these, the Generall would have rested 
himselfe a while, but he could not, by reason the people of 
these Hands resorted continually to the ships with their 
Canoas, and stole now one thing, and now another, in 
such sort, that our men could take no rest ; and therefore 
demanded of the Captaine, that they might strike their 
sayles, to bring the shippes to Land. But the Generall 
being provoked to anger, went aland with fortie armed [I. ii. 37-] 
men, and burnt about fiftie of their Houses, with many 
of their Canoas, and slew also about seven men, and 
recovered a shippe-boat which the Barbarians had stolne ; 
and so departed, following his Voyage. Hee named these 
Hands, Insulae Latronum, that is, the Hands of Theeves. ^^'"^'' ^'"^''- 
When our men had so wounded some of them with " "'' 
Arrowes, that they were stricken through both sides, they 
pulled forth the Arrowes, not ceasing to marvell at them, 
till they fell downe dead : And yet could not the other so 
depart, but still followed the shippes with more then two 
hundred of their Boats, approaching as neere to the shippes 
as they could, and proffering our men certaine Fishes. As 
the shippes passed with full sayle in the middest of their 
Boats, they saw in some of them certaine Women, lament- 
ing and tearing their hayre, which our men thought they 
did for the death of their Husbands. As farre as they 
could perceive, these people live at their owne libertie, 
without any Ruler or Governour. They goe naked, and People v)ith 
some of them have blacke Beards, and blacke hayre on ^'^^ ^"y^- 
their heads, which they weare long, downe to their Wastes. 
They are of the same stature that wee are, and are well 




made, of colour like unto an Olive. Their Women are 
well-favoured, with black and thicke hayre on their heads, 
reaching to the ground. They weare also, for a covering 
before their privities, the inner barke of the Palme-tree; 
are whiter then the men, and seldome goe out of doores, 
but at home make Mats and Nets of the Palme-tree, and 
other House-hold necessaries. Some of the men weare 
Bonnets on their heads of Palme-tree. They colour their 
teeth red and blacke, which they esteeme a comely thing, 
Their food, is Cocos and Battatas, Birds, Figges, a hand- 
full long, Sugar-Canes, flying Fishes, and other things. 
They anoynt their bodies and head with the Oyle of Cocos. 
Their Boats are some all blacke, some white, and some 
red, and have Sayles made of the broad Leaves of Date- 
trees, sowed together. In the stead of a Rudder, they 
use a certaine broad Boord, with a stafFe in the top, and 
may when they will, make the Sterne the Fore-Castle, or 
the Fore-Castle the Sterne. They sayle so swiftly, that 
they seeme a farre off like Dolphins swimming above the 
Water. Their Houses are made of Timber, covered with 
Boords, and Leaves of Figge-tree, a yard long : They have 
a Hall, Windowes, and Chambers. They have Palme- 
Mats for Bed-furniture, and sleepe on Palme Leaves, 
which are soft. Their Weapons are Clubs or Poles, with 
a Home head. 
The Hand of The tenth day of March, in the yeere 1521. they went 
aland upon a little Hand, named Zamal, thirtie Leagues 
distant from the Hand of Theeves. The next day hee 
went on shore on another Hand, not inhabited : they 
rested here a while, where the Captaine caused a Pavillion 
to be pitched for the sicke and crazed men, and a Hogge 
to be killed. The Hand was called Humunu, and hath 
two cleare Springs, and Gold and white Corall, and many 
Fruit-trees. They gave it the name of Good Signes. 

The eighteenth day of March, they saw a Boat with 
nine men comming toward them, shewing themselves joy- 
full, and rejoycing of their comming. They brought 
many presents with them, and seemed to be people of 





much humanitie. They gave the Captaine a great Fish, 

and a great Vessell of the Wine of those Date-trees, which WineofDate- 

beare the Fruit Cocus. They made also signes, that *''"'• 

within the space of foure dayes they would bring Rice, and 

divers Fowles and Beasts, as they did indeed. 

This Cocus is a Fruit of certaine Date-trees, whereof The marvelous 
they make Bread, Wine, Oyle, and Vineger. They make fi"'* ^'""'■ 
Wine in this manner : They cut a bigge branch of the 
Tree, and hang thereat a Reede as bigge as a mans Legge, 
into the which droppeth a sweet Liquor from the Tree, 
like unto white Wine, somewhat tart, and let the Reed 
continue there from Morning till Evening, and from 
Evening to Morning. The fruit of this Tree, called 
Cocus, is as bigge as the head of a man, or more. The 
first Rynde of this, is greene, and of the thicknesse of two 
fingers, having in it certaine Threds, whereof they make 
Cords, with the which they tye their Boats. Under this 
Rynde there is a thicke shell, which they burne and make 
powder thereof, and use it as a remedie for certaine Dis- 
eases. Under this shell, is a white substance, like the 
kernell of a Nut, being a finger in thicknesse, which they 
eate with Flesh and Fish, as wee doe Bread. It hath the 
taste of an Almond, and is used in the stead of Bread, 
when it is dryed. In the middest of this kernell, is a 
cleare and sweet Water, being very holesome and cordiall. 
This Water sometime congealeth, and lyeth within the 
shell like an Egge. When they intend to make Oyle 
hereof, they lay it to putrifie in Water, and boyle it untill 
it be like Oyle or liquid Butter. When they intend to 
make Vineger, they suffer onely the Water to putrifie, and 
then set it to the Sunne, where it becommeth Vineger, like 
unto that which is made of white Wine. And when they 
mingle the kernell with the Water which is in the middest 
of the Fruit, and strayne it through a Cloth, they make a 
Milke thereof, like unto Goates Milke. ' These Date- 
trees are Hke unto them that beare Dates, but are not so 
full of knots. With the juice of two of these Date-trees, 
a whole family of tenne persons may be maintayned with 




Wine, using one eight dayes, and the other, other eight 
dayes; for they should else be dryed and wythered. 
These Trees continue for the space of an hundred yeeres. 
This Hand, where they found this humane and gentle 

The Island of people, is called Zulvan, and is not very bigge. 

Zulyan. They invited the Generall to their Boats, in which were 

*■ ■ "■ ^ ■-' their Merchandize, viz. Cloves, Cinnamon, Ginger, 
Pepper, Nutmegs, Mace, Gold made in divers things, 
which they carry to and fro with their Barkes. Hee had 
them also aboord the ship, and caused a peece of Orden- 
ance to be shot off; which terrified them so, that they 
were ready to leape over-boord : but he appeased them, 
and gave them gifts. The two and twentieth of March 
they brought Oranges, and a Cocke, and Cocos, with 
Palme- Wine, in two Barkes. The men were naked, had 
two Gold Rings at their eares, and many Jewels fastened 
with Gold to their armes. With these Cocos they re- 
freshed their sicke men. They told of people in neere 
Hands, with eares downe to their armes. They had 
Daggers, Knives, and Lances garnished with Gold. 

The Sea called About this Hand they found many other Hands, and 

Archipelago di therefore named this Sea Archipelago di San Lazaro, that 
San Lazaro: . . _ .„.->: ^ , . . ' 

this name ^^j *^^ great Sea or Samt Lazarus, bemg tenne degrees 

Archipelago, above the Equinoctiall toward our Pole, and a hundred 

is given to threescore and one from the place from whence they de- 

Uandf''^ parted. The people of this Hand are Gentiles. They 

Gentiles S°^ naked, saving that they cover their privie parts with a 

Cloth made of the rynde of a certaine Tree. The chiefest 

men have about their heads a silken Cloth of Needle- 

worke. They are gross and broad set, and of the colour 

of an Olive. They annoynt their bodies with the Oyle of 

Cocus, to defend them against the heat of the Sunne, and 

drynesse of the Winde. The five and twentieth day of 

March they departed from hence, and directed their course 

betweene the West and South-west, and sayled betweene 

Foure Hands, foure Hands, named Cenalo, Huinanghan, Hibusson, and 

Abarien, &c. 

The eight and twentieth day of March they came to the 




Hand of Buthuan, where they were honourably entertayned T^^' ^1"'"^ "f 
of the King and the Prince his sonne, who gave them ^'''''"''"■ 
much Gold and Spices. The Captaine gave the King a 
Vesture of red Cloth, and another of yellow, made after 
the Turkish fashion, and also a red Cap : and gave like- 
wise to other that came with him, certaine Knyves, Glasses, 
and Beades of Crystall. After that the Captaine had 
shewed the King the secrets of his ship, and such Mer- 
chandize as hee had therein, hee caused a piece of Orden- 
ance suddenly to be shot off, whereat the King was greatly 
amazed, untill the Captaine comforted him. Then the 
Captaine commanded one of his men to be armed from 
the head to the foot, and caused three other to strike him 
with their Swords : whereat the King marvelled greatly, 
and said to the Interpretor (who was a slave borne in 
Malacca) that one of those armed men was able to 
encounter with a hundred of his men. But hee marvelled 
much more, when the Captaine told him by the Inter- 
pretor, how he found the Strait by the Compas and Load- 
stone, and how many dayes they were without sight of any 
Land. Then asking licence to depart, the Captaine sent 
two of his men with him, of the which, Antonie Pigafetta 
was one. When they came on Land, the King lifted his 
hands to the Skie, and after that, towards the two Chris- 
tians : these did the like, and all the companie after them. 
The like ceremonie they used in drinking one to another. 
The Kings Pallace was like a Hay-house, covered with 
Palme and Fig-leaves, built on high Timbers aloft, that 
they mounted thereunto on Ladders. They sit at meat 
crosse-legged, like Taylors. They make Light in the 
Night with a gumme of a Tree, wrapped in leaves of 
Palme-tree. When the King saw Antonie Pigafetta write 
the names of many things, and afterward rehearsed them 
againe, he marvelled yet more, making signes, that such 
men descended from Heaven. The King brought them 
first to his Pallace, where he entertayned them honorably, 
and gave them many gifts, as did also the Prince in his The Hand of 
Pallace, being in another Hand named Caleghan. Cakghan. 

11 97 G 



As they sifted a certaine Myne of Earth in the Kings 
Hand, they found pieces of Gold some as bigge as Nuts, 
Plentte of and other as bigge as Egges. All the Kings Vessels were 
Gold. Qf Gold, and his House well furnished. In all the whole 

Nation there was no man of comelyer personage then the 
The King of King : Hee had his hayre long, downe to his shoulders, 
Buthuan. ^^^ ^^^^ blaclce, with a vaile of Silke rouled about his 
head, and two great Rings of Gold hanging at his eares. 
He had about his middle a Cloth wrought of Cotton and 
Silke, impaled with Gold, and reaching downe to his knees. 
On his one side, hee had a long dagger with a Haft of 
Gold, and the sheathe of a faire kind of carved Wood. 
Hee had on every finger three Rings of Gold, and had his 
body anoynted with Oyle of Storax and Benjamin. The 
naturall colour of his face was like unto the colour of an 
Olive ; and all his body beside painted with divers colours. 
The Kings name was Raja Colambu, and the Prince was 
called Raja Siagu. They easily understood each other, 
by meanes of a slave which they carryed with them, taken 
before at Sumatra. One man offred for six threds of 
Crystall Beades a Crowne of massie Gold, with a Collar: 
but the Generall would not permit such bartering, that 
they should not perceive more account to be made of their 
Gold by the one, then by the other of the Spanish Wares. 
The people are nimble, naked, painted. The Women goe 
clothed from the Waste downewards, with their long blacke 
hayre hanging to the ground. They weare eare-rings of 
Gold in divers formes. They alway are chewing Arecca, 
a certaine Fruit like a Peare, cut in quarters, and rolled up 
in leaves of a Tree called Bettre (or Vetele) like Bay 
leaves ; which having chewed, they spit forth. It makes 
the mouth red. They say they doe it to comfort the 
heart, nor could live without it. 
[I. ii. 39.] The Captaine or Generall caused a Crosse to be brought 
forth, with Nayles, and a Crowne of Thornes, giving com- 
mandement to all his men to give reverence thereunto, 
and signifying to the Kings, by the Interpreter, that that 
Banner was given him by the Emperour, his Lord and 




Master, with commandement to leave the same in all 
places where hee came, to the great commoditie and profit 
of all such as would reverendly receive it, as an assured 
token of friendship : and that hee would therefore leave 
it there, as well to accomplish his Lords commandement, 
as also, that if at any time any ships of Christians should 
chance to come that way, they might, by seeing that 
Crosse, perceive that our men had beene well entertayned 
there, and would therefore not onely abstayne from doing 
them any hurt or displeasure, but also helpe to ayde them 
against their enemies : And that therefore it should be 
requisite to erect that Crosse upon the top of the highest 
Mountaine that might be seene from the Sea on every 
side ; also to pray unto it reverently : and that in so 
doing, they should not be hurt with Thunder, Lightning, 
and Tempests. When the Kings heard these words, they 
gave the Captaine great thankes, promising gladly to 
observe and fulfill all such things as he required. Then 
the Captaine demanded, whether they were Mores or ^"w "^d 
Gentiles } They answered, that they had none other kind ^"" "' 
of Religion, but that lifting up their hands joyned 
together, and their faces toward Heaven, they called upon 
their God Abba. Which answere liked the Captaine very 
well, because the Gentiles are sooner perswaded to our 
Faith then the Mores. 

Departing from hence, they came to the Hands of Many Hands. 
Zeilon, Zubut, Messana, and Calaghan, by the conduct of 
certaine Pilots of the said Kings. Of these, Zubut is the 
best, and hath the Trade of best Traffique. In the Hand The Hand of 
of Messana they found Dogges, Cats, Hogges, Hennes, 
Goates, Ryse, Gynger, Cocus, Myll, Panicke, Barly, 
Figges, Oranges, Waxe, and Gold, in great quantitie. 
This Hand is above the Equinoctiall toward our Pole nine 
degrees, and two third parts, and a hundred threescore and 
two degrees from the place from whence they departed. 
They remayned in this Hand for the space of eight dayes, 
and then directed their Voyage toward the Northwest, 
and passed betweene these five Hands, Zeilon, Bohol, 





Canghu, Barbai, and Gatighan. In this Hand of Catighan 
Bats as hig as are certaine great Bats, as bigge as Eagles, of the which 
Eagles. jjjgy tooke one : they are good to be eaten, and of taste 

much like a Henne. There are also Stock-doves, Turtle- 
doves, Popingayes, and certaine Fowles as bigge as 
Towks with Hennes : these Fowles have little homes, and lay great 
'^v^"' h h ^ ^gg^S' which they cover a cubit depth in the Sand, by 
hsLd the heat whereof, and vertue of the Sunne, they are 

hatched, and the young Birds creepe out of the Sand 
by themselves. From the Hand of Messana to Catighan, 
are twentie Leagues, sayling toward the West. And 
because the King of Messana could not follow the ships, 
they tarryed for him about the Hands of Polo, Ticobon, 
and Fozon, where the Captaine tooke him into his ship, 
with certaine of his principall men, and so followed their 
Voyage toward the Hand of Zubut, which is about fiftie 
Leagues distant from Catighan. 

The seventh day of Aprill, about Noone, they entred 
The Hand of {^^q the Port of Zubut : and passing by many Villages 
^ ■ and Habitations in Trees, they came to the Citie, where 

the Captaine gave commandement to the Mariners to 
strike their sayles, and to set themselves in order, in man- 
ner of Battell-ray, causing all the Ordenance to be shot off, 
wherewith all the people were put in great feare. After 
this, the Captaine sent an Embassadour with the Inter- 
preter to the King of Zubut. 

When they approched neere to the Citie, they found 
the King with a great companie of men sore astonyed at 
the noyse of the Gunnes. But the Interpreter advertised 
them, that it was the custome of our men, in all such 
places where they come, to discharge their Ordenance in 
token of friendship, and to honovir the Lord of the Citie. 
With which words the King and his companie were well 
quieted. After this, the Interpreter declared, that his 
Master was the Captaine of the shippes of the greatest 
Prince in the World, and that they went to discover the 
Hands of Molucca : And further, that hearing of his good 
name and fame, by the report of the King of Messana, 



they determined to visite him, and to have Victuals for 
exchange of their Merchandize. The King answered, 
that he was well content therewith, and that they were 
heartily welcome : Neverthelesse, that it was a custome in 
that place, that all such ships as entred into that Haven, 
should pay tribute : And that there were not many dayes 
past, since a ship laden with Gold and Slaves, did so pay. ^Mppe laden 
In token whereof, hee caused to come before him certaine Z] [, / 
Merchants of that companie, which yet remayned with 
him. To this the Interpreter answered. That for as much 
as his Lord was the Captaine of so mightie a Prince, he 
never payd tribute to any King in the World, and would 
not now begin : Williiig him to take this for a resolute 
answere. That if he would accept the Peace that was prof- 
fered him, hee should enjoy it ; and if hee rather desired 
Warre, hee should have his hands full. When the Inter- 
preter had said these words, one of the said Merchants 
(who was a More) spake to the King in this manner, 
Catacaia Chita ; that is, Take heede Sir : For these men 
are they that have conquered Calecut, Malacha, and all Cdecut. 
the greater India, and are of such power, that if you " '^^ "' 
entreat them otherwise then well, you may too late know 
what they are able to doe, more then they have done at 
Calecut and Malacca. When the Interpreter heard these 
words, hee said. That the King his Lord was of much [I. ii- 40.] 
greater puissance, and more Dominions, and Lord of more 
shippes then was the King of Portugall : declaring further, 
that hee was King of Spaine, and Emperour of all Chris- 
tendome. Adding hereunto, that if hee would not be his 
friend, hee would hereafter send thither such a power of 
armed men as should destroy his Countrey. The More 
conferred all these words with the King, who said. That 
hee would further deliberate with his Councell, and give 
them a fiill answer the day following. In the meane time 
he sent them certaine Victuals and Wine. 

When all these things were declared to the King of 
Messana, who was the chiefest thereabout next unto him, 
and Lord of many Hands, hee went a Land, and repayred 


Shedding of 
blood is a 
token of 

The King of 
Zubut is bap- 

The King of 
Zubut his 


to the King of Zubut, and declared unto him the great 
humanitie and courtesie of the generall Captaine. Shortly 
after, the Captaine sent certaine of his men with the Inter- 
preter, to the King of Zubut, to know his pleasure, and 
what answere hee would make them. As they went to- 
ward the Court, they met the King comming in the street, 
accompanyed with many of his chiefe men. Hee caused 
our men to sit downe by him, and demanded of them, if 
there were any more then one Captaine in their companie ; 
and whether it were their request, that hee should pay 
tribute to the Emperour. They answered, that they 
desired none other thing, but that they might exercise 
Merchandize with them, and to barter Ware for Ware. 
The King made answere, that he was well content there- 
with : willing the Captaine, in token of friendship, to 
send him a little bloud of his right arme ; affirming, that 
he would doe the like. 

After this, the King of Messana, with the King of 
Zubut his Nephew (who was the Prince) and certaine 
other of his Gentlemen, came to the ships, and brought 
the Captaine many goodly presents. They entred into 
great amitie, and had large communication of many things. 
The Captaine perswaded them to the Christian Faith: 
which they gladly embraced, and tooke such pleasure in 
hearing the Articles of our Beleefe, that the teares fell 
from their eyes for joy. They were baptized : and shortly 
after, all the people of the Hand. They esteeme nothing 
more precious, then drinking Glasses of Venice worke. 

When they came to the Citie, they found the King in 
his Pallace, sitting upon a Floore or Storie made of the 
Leaves of Date trees, wrought after a curious Device, like 
a certaine kind of Mats. Hee had upon his body none 
other Apparrell, but onely a Cloth of Bombasine Cotton, 
hanging before his privie parts. On his head hee had a 
Veyle of Needle-worke, and about his necke a Chayne of 
great price. At his eares hung two Rings of Gold, wherein 
were inclosed many precious Stones. Hee was but of 
small stature, but somewhat grosse, and had the residue 





of his body painted with divers colours, whereof some 
were like unto flaming fire. Before him, hee had two 
Vessels made of the fine Earth called Porcellana, with 
sodden Egges. Also foure Vessels of Porcellana, full of 
Wine made of Date trees, and covered with many odori- 
ferous Herbes. The Prince brought them to his House, 
where hee had foure daughters, very well favoured and 
white, like ours. Hee caused them to dance all naked, 
and therewith to sing, and play on certaine Tymbrels made 
of Metall. At this time it so chanced, that one of the 
Spaniards died in one of the shippes : and when certaine 
of their companie desired the King to give them leave to 
burie him on the Land ; hee answered, That for as much 
as hee and all his were at the commandement of their King 
and Master, how much more ought the ground so to bee } 
They greatly marvelled at the Ceremonies pertayning to 
the manner of our Funerals, and honoured the Crosses 
which were set at both the ends of the Grave. They live 
with Justice, and use Weights and Measures. Their 
Houses are made of Timber and sawne Boords, and 
are so builded above the ground upon Props and 
Pyles, that they ascend to the same by certaine stayres. 
Under their Houses, they keepe their Hogges, and 
Goats, and Hennes. They told of certaine goodly 
Water-Fowle as bigge as Crowes, called Laghan, 
which the Whales of those parts sometimes swallow 
downe, but so are themselves devoured, the Fowle 
gnawing the heart of the Whale, and killing him ; by the 
people iFound in the dead body, floting to Land, still living 
in the same. The flesh of this Fowle is delicate, but the 
skin is blacke. 

When they came to bartering, they gave Gold, Ryce, Bartering. 
Hogges, Hennes, and divers other things, for some of 
our trifles of small value. They gave tenne Pesos of Gold 
for foureteene pounds weight of Iron. One Pesus is in fesus what it 
value a Duckat and a halfe. "• 

The Sunday following, the King was baptized with great 
solemnitie : at which time, the Captaine admonished him 



They breake 
their Idols, 
and erect the 

Five hundred 
men baptized. 

[I. ii. 41.] 

The Queene 
of Zubut. 

The Queenes 


before, not to be afraid at the shooting off of the Orden- 
ance, because it was their custome so to doe at such 
solemne Feasts. After this, the Captaine caused them to 
breake all their Idols, and to set up the Crosse in divers 
places, praying to the same both Morning and Evening, 
kneeling on their knees, and holding up their hands 
joyned together. The King in his baptisme was named 
Charles, after the Emperours name, and the Prince Fer- 
dinando, after the name of his Majesties Brother. The 
King of Messana was named John, and the More Christo- 
pher. To all other they gave such names as are com- 
monly used in Christendome. And thus before Masse 
was begun, were five hundred men baptized. When 
Masse was finished, the Captaine invited the King to dyne 
with him in his shippe, and at his comming caused the 
Ordenance to be discharged. The Queene was also bap- 
tized, with fortie of her Gentlewomen, and her Daughter 
the Princes Wife. The Queene was very young and faire, 
having her body covered with a white Cloth. Her Lippes 
were red, and shee had on her head a Hat, on the top 
whereof was a triple Crowne, much like the Popes : this 
Crowne and the Hat were made of the Leaves of Date 

Within the space of eight dayes, the Inhabitants of the 
Hand were baptized, except one Village of Idolaters, who 
would not herein obey the Kings commandement. Where- 
upon the Captaine sent certaine of his men thither, who 
burnt the Towne, and erected a Crosse in that place, 
because the people of the Village were Gentiles (that is) 
Idolaters. But if they had been Mores (that is, Mac- 
humetists) they would have erected a Pillar of Stone, 
because the Mores are more stubborne and harder to be 
converted then are the Gentiles. 

When the Queene came to the place where shee should 
heare Masse, shee came forth with great pomp and solem- 
nitie, having going before her three young Damosels, and 
three men with their Cappes in their hands, whom shee 
followed apparrelled in white and blacke, with a great 




Veyle of Silke upon her head, fringed about with Gold, 
which covered her Hat, and hung downe to her shoulders : 
shee had also a great trayne of Women following her, 
being all barefooted and naked, except that upon their 
heads and privie parts, they wore certaine Veyles of Silke, 
and had their hayre spred. 

Before the King of Zubut was baptized, hee was named 
Raja Humabuon. When the Captaine demanded of him, 
Why all the Idols in the Hand were not burnt, according 
to his promise? hee answered. That they esteemed them 
no more as Gods, but onely made sacrifice to them for the 
Princes Brother, who was very sicke, and as noble and 
wittie a man as was in the Hand. The Captaine answered. 
That if hee would burne all his Idols, and beleeve faith- 
fully in Christ, and be baptized, hee should be immediately 
restored to health, and that he would else give them leave 
to strike off his head. By these words and perswasions 
of the Captaine, he conceived such hope of health, that 
after he was baptized, he felt no more griefe of his dis- 
ease. And this was a manifest Miracle wrought in our 
time, whereby divers Infidels were converted to our 
Faith, and their Idols destroyed, and also their Altars over- 
throwne, on the which they were accustomed to eate the 
sacrificed flesh. The people of the Hand pay the King a 
portion of Victuals for their tribute, by all their Cities and 

Not farre from this Hand of Zubut, is the Hand of The Hand of 
Mathan, whose Inhabitants use marvelous Ceremonies Nathan. 
in their sacrifices to the Sunne, and in burying the dead. 
Before their Swine-sacrifice, they ring certaine Bells : then 
bring three Platters ; in two of which, are Vyands of Rice 
and Honey boyled rouled up in Leaves, and rosted Fishes ; 
in the other, is a Linnen Cloth, with two Fillets or strings, 
which is spred on the Earth. Then come two old 
Women, each with a Reed-Trumpet in hand. These 
mount upon the Cloth, and having worshipped the Sunne, 
cover themselves with the Cloth. One of them applyes 
one of the strings or Fillets with two homes, to her for- 




head, holding the other in her hand, and thus sounding 
and dancing, calleth on the Sunne. The other foUoweth ; 
both praying, sounding, and dancing round about the 
Hogge, tyed in the midst. The horned Beldame mum- 
bleth to the Sunne, the other answering : Then a Cup of 
Wine is brought, and making semblance to drinke, after 
divers mutuall mumblings, shee powreth it on the Hogge. 
After which, this horned Mother hath a Lance brought 
her : with which, after a deale of masking and mumming 
Ceremonie, shee kills him. All this while a Light is 
burning, and now is put into the mouth of the Swine. 
The other Beldam washeth the Head of the Trumpe in 
the bloud, and with her finger imbrued with bloud, first 
signeth her Husbands for-head, and after, other mens. 
Which done, they both disrobe themselves, and eate the 
Vyands in the other Dishes, onely Women communicat- 
ing with them. They sindge the Hogge : the flesh they 
may not eate, till it be thus consecrated by those Witches. 
They goe naked, except a little Cloth before their privities. 
The Males, great and small, make a hole thorow the skin, 
neere the head of the Yard, and therein a Gold Ring is 
put, as bigge as a Goose-quill. They take as many 
Wives as they will, but one is principall. When a man 
of sort dyes, the principall Women goe to his House, and 
set Boughes in Cords, fastned about the Corps, in every 
Bough a piece of Cotton, so that the place is like a Tent. 
Herein they sit, arrayed in white Cotton, each having a 
Girdle, with a Fanne of Palme tree, to cause winde. One 
comes after with a Knife, which cuts off by little and little 
the hayre of the deceased. After which, his principall 
Wife lyeth upon him, applying her Lippes to his, her 
Hands to his Hands, and her Feet to his. When the 
one cutteth, this other laments ; when shee ceaseth to cut, 
this sings. About the Chamber, are Porcellane Dishes 
with fire, on which they burne Myrrhe, Storax, and other 
Sweets. This Ceremonie lasts five dayes. All which 
time, at Midnight (they say) there comes as it were a 
Raven, which lights on the House, and cryes ; the Dogs 




with howling, holding with the Ravens crying, a blacke 

Sanctus for five houres each Night. After all this, 

they enclose the Corps in a House closed round with 


The Hand is governed by two Princes, whereof the one 
is named Zula, and the other Cilapulapu. And whereas 
this Cilapulapu refiised to pay tribute to the King of 
Spaine, the Captaine went against him in his owne person [I. ii. 42.] 
with threescore of his men, armed with Coats of Mayle 
and Helmets. Cilapulapu divided his Army into three 
Battels, having in every Battell two thousand and fiftie 
men, with armed Bowes, Arrowes, Darts, and Javelins, 
hardened at the points with fire. This continued long 
and sharpe. But the Captaine being a valiant man, and 
preasing himselfe in the brunt of the Battell, was sore 
wounded with a venomed Arrow, and after, with a Lance 
of Cane thrust in his face, slaine, for as much as the most 
of the Barbarians directed all their force against him. 
Beside the Captaine, were slaine of our men about eight TAe Ca/itaine 
or nine : Of the Barbarians, were fifteene slaine, and many ^'^S^^^""' " 
sore wounded. After the death of the Captaine, they 
chose two other in his place ; of the which, one was 
Odoardo Barbosa, a Portugall, and the other, John Ser- 
rano, who was shortly after betrayed by the Interpreter, 
and taken prisoner with divers other. The Enemies 
would not permit Magalianes Body to be ransomed at 
any price. 

Certaine dayes before the Captaines death, they had 
knowledge of the Hands of Molucca, which they chiefely 
sought. Departing therefore from the Hand of Mathan, 
they sayled farre, and came to the Cape of another Hand, '^^^ I^"'^ 'f 
named Bohol. In the midst of this maine Sea (which they ^'''"'^• 
named Archipelagus) they consulted to burne the ship I'^'y ^umi 
named Conception, because they were now few in number, ""^^V*^"^ 
and to furnish the other two ships with the Artillerie 
thereof. Thus directing their course toward Southwest, 
they came to another Hand named Pauiloghon, where they 
found blacke men. Black men. 



Tlie lland of 

The Hand of 

The Hand of 


Shortly after, they arrived at another great Hand, whose 
King, named Raja Calavar, entreated them very friendly 
in all things, as did the King of Messana. This Hand 
is rich in Gold, and hath plentie of Rice, Ginger, Hogges, 
Goats, Hennes, and divers other things. It is named 
Chippit, and is eight degrees above the Equinoctiall Line 
toward our Pole, and in longitude from the place from 
whence they first departed, an hundred and seventie de- 
grees, and about fiftie Leagues from Zubut. 

The King, in token of peace, drew bloud of his left 
hand, and therewith anoynted his body, face, and the top 
of his tongue. The like was done by the Spaniards. 
Pigafetta was entertayned by the King and his two Wives 
with deepe Carowses ; which hee refiased to pledge, excus- 
ing, that hee had supped. Here hee saw much Gold, but 
small provision of Victuall. 

Departing from hence, they came to another Hand, 
named Caghaian, being fortie Leagues from Chippit, as 
they sayled betweene the West and Southwest. This 
Hand is very great, and in manner unhabited. The people 
are Mores, and were banished out of the Hand of Burnei, 
which some call Porne. They use poysoned Arrowes, 
and have store of Gold. 

From this Hand, about five and twentie Leagues 
betweene the West and Northwest, they found a mar- 
vellous fruitfull Hand, named Pulaoan, being toward our 
Pole above the Equinoctiall nine degrees, and a third 
part, and an hundred seventie and nine degrees, and a 
third part, in longitude from the place of their departing. 
In it is store of Rice, Ginger, Hogges and Goats, Hennes, 
Figges halfe a yard long, as bigge as a mans arme, very 
good, and others of lesser kindes ; Cocos, Battatos, Sugar 
Canes, and a kind of pleasant Rootes. The King in 
token of friendship wounded his Brest with a Knife, 
touching with the bloud his Tongue and For-head ; and 
the Spaniards did likewise. The people goe naked, use 
poysoned Arrowes, have great Cocks, which they use in 
Cock-fightings, but not for food, by reason of a reason- 




lesse superstition. They have Wine of Rice, better then 

that of the Palme-tree, easily causing Drunkennesse. 

From this Hand, ten Leagues toward the Southwest, T^l^i il^^d of 
they saw another Iland, which seemed to them sometimes ^^J'"' '^ 
to mount, as they sayled by the Coasts thereof. As they 
were entring into the Port, there arose a boystrous and 
darke Tempest, which ceased as soone as the Fires of the 
three Saints (whereof we have spoken before) appeared 
upon the Cables. From the beginning of this Iland to 
the Port, are five Leagues. This Iland is great and rich, 
and the chiefe Citie thereof contayneth five and twentie A great Citie. 
thousand Houses. The King entertayned our men very 
friendly, and sent them, beside many other presents, two 
Elephants, trapped with Silke, to bring them to his Pallace, Elephants. 
that brought the presents which the Captaines sent him. 
Hee hath a magnificent Court, and a great Guard ; also, a 
multitude of Concubines. Hee is a More, and is named 
Raja Siripada. Hee is a King of great power, and hath 
under him many other Kings, Hands, and Cities. This 
Iland of Burnei is above the Equinoctiall, toward our 
Pole, five degrees and a quarter, and in longitude from 
the place of their departing, an hundred seventie six de- 
grees, and two third parts. They use here Betele and 
Arecca, and Rice- Wine, called Arach. Their reverence 
to the King, is three times to hold the hands closed over 
the head, then to lift up the feet one after the other, and 
lastly, to kisse their hands. The King hath ten Scribes, 
or Secretaries, which write his affaires in Barkes of Trees. 
His household was all ordered by Women, and the chiefe 
mens Daughters. 

On the nine and twentieth of July they were assaulted 
by an hundred Prawes and Junkes, of which, they tooke 
foure ; in one of which, was the Sonne of the King of 
Lozon, Captaine generall to the King of Borneo, who now [I- ii. 43-] 
was returned from the sacke of Lao, a great Citie in the 
Iland towards Java : For the Ethnikes, or Natives, and the 
Mores of this Hand are in fierce Warres against each other. 
And had not the Pilot for a bribe let this man escape 



The Hand of 

Leaves of trees 
which seeme to 

A Sea full of 



closely, hee had beene worth much to them in ransome. 
This King of Borneo had two Pearles, as it were Henne 
Egges, and so round, that on a plaine Table they would 
not stand firmely. In this Hand growes Camphir, which 
is the gumme of the Tree Capar, and Cinnamon, Ginger, 
Mirabolans, Oranges, Limons, Sugar, Cucumers, Melons, 
Swine, Goates, Hennes, Deere, Elephants, Horse, &c. 

Departing from Burnei, they came to an Hand called 
Cimbubon, being eight degrees seven minutes above the 
Equinoctiall Line. Here they remayned fortie dayes, to 
calke their shippes, and furnish them with fresh Water 
and Fuell, which was to them great paine and travell, 
because they were in manner all bare-footed, their shooes 
(and in manner their other Apparrell) being worne, by 
reason of the long Voyage. In the Woods of this Hand 
they found a Tree, whose Leaves as soone as they fall on 
the ground, doe stirre and remove from place to place, 
as though they were alive : they are much like the Leaves 
of a Mulberry Tree, and have on every side as it were 
two short and blunt feet. When they are cut or broken, 
there is no bloud seene come forth of them : Yet when 
any of them are touched, they suddenly move, and start 
away. Antonie Pigafetta kept one of them in a Platter 
for the space of eight dayes, and ever when he touched 
it, it ranne round about the Platter. Hee supposeth, that 
they live onely by ayre. Here were Crocodiles, and wild 
Hogges, and Ostriches. They tooke also a Fish, headed 
like a Swine, with two homes, the rest of the body all of 
one bone, and as it were a saddle on the backe. 

Departing from hence, they directed their course by 
the West quarter toward the South-east, to find the Hands 
of Molucca, and sayled not farre from certaine Mountaines, 
where they found the Sea full of great Weedes and Herbes. 

From hence, they came to the Hands of Zolo and 
Taghima, in the which are found Pearles of exceeding 
bignesse. The King of Borneo had his two Pearles from 
hence, captiving the King his father in Law, and making 
him pay them for ransome. 



Following their course toward the North-east, they 
came to a great Citie named Mangdando, lying above 
the Hands of Buthuan and Calaghan, where they tooke a 
Canoa of certaine of the Inhabitants : by whom being 
informed of the Hands of Molucca, they left their course 
toward the North-east, and followed the South-east, neere 
unto a Cape of the Hand of Buthuan. They were adver- 
tised for certaintie, that on the bankes of a certaine River, 
there dwelt men, called Benaian, over-growne with hayre, ^^" "^"'r 
which killed men, and did eat their hearts raw, with the f^v"! "" 
juice of Oranges and Limons. They are tall and strong, 
use Bowes and Swords of Wood. In these Hands growes 
the best Cinnamon, whereof they had seven and twentie 
pound in exchange for two Knives. Here is the great 
Citie Mangdando. Being in six degrees, seven minutes, 
they made their way South-east, and encountred foure 
Hands, Ciboco, Biramboia, Sarangani, Condingar. 

A great Tempest here assayled them the foure and 
twentieth of October : but after their prayers, the three 
Lights appeared on their shrowds, whereupon the dark- 
nesse ceased, if a worse did not remayne. For they 
hereupon vowed to set free a slave in honour of the three 
Saints, S. Helena, S. Nicholas, and S. Clare. How much 
more tolerable is that Ethnike adoration of the Sunne 
and Starres, then this of inferior Meteors, if it may any 
way be tolerable to give the glory of God to a Creature .'' 

After the Tempest, they came to harbour in the He 
Sarangani, where they heard was Gold and Pearles. Here 
they tooke by force two Pilots for the Molucca's. They 
passed eight Hands, some inhabited, some not ; their names 
were Ceana, Canida, Cabiaio, Camuca, Cabalu, Chiai, 
Lipan, Nuzza ; and then came to a faire Hand, called 
Sanghir, in three degrees and a halfe, where were foure 
Gentile Kings. They passed five other Hands, and then 
espyed foure others, which their Pilot said were the 
Molucca's. This was the sixt day of November, and the 
seven and twentieth moneth after their departure out of 
Spaine. Being therefore joyfull, and giving thankes unto 


The Hands of 


The Portugals 
are reproved. 

Tidore, one of 
the Hands of 

A Vision in 
the Planets. 

[I. ii. 44.J 

of Molucca. 



God, they discharged all their Ordenance. In the Coast 
of all these Hands, even unto the Hands of Molucca, 
sounding with their Plummet, they found the depth of 
the Sea to be no lesse then a hundred and two yards, 
which is contrary to the saying of the Portugals; who 
affirme, That no ship can passe that way without great 
danger, by reason of the shallownesse, and Rockes or 
Shelves, and for the darkenesse which the Clouds cause 
in the Heaven. All which things they fayned, to the 
intent that none other should have knowledge of their 

The eight day of November, in the yeere 1521. before 
the rising of the Sunne, they entred into the Port of the 
Hand of Tidore, being one of the chiefe Hands of Molucca, 
where they were honourably entertayned of the King: 
who declared, that hee had long before dreamed, that 
certaine ships should come from a farre Countrey, to the 
Hands of Molucca : And that whereas, for the better 
certificate thereof, hee considered the stations of the 
Moone, hee saw therein the comming of our ships, and 
that wee were the men whom hee seemed to see in the 
same. Whereupon hee proffered himselfe to enter into 
league of friendship with the King of Spaine, and to accept 
our men as his Brethren and Children, willing them to 
come aland, as into their owne Houses. Also, that for 
their comming, that Hand should no more be called Tidore, 
but Castile, for the great love which he bore to their 
King, whom he reputed as his Lord and Master. This 
King is a More, and is named Raja Sultan Mauzor. He 
sware upon the Alcoran (laying it three or foure times 
on his head, and saying certaine words) to be friend to 
the King of Spaine. 

The Hands of Molucca are five in number, and are 
thus named : Tarenate, Tidore, Mutir, Macchian, and 
Bacchian. Of these, Tarenate is the chiefest ; and the 
King thereof, was sometime Lord of them all. Mutir 
and Macchian were now governed of the people. Bacchian 
had a King. The Clove-trees are as bigge as a man 


about, tall ; the Boughes large in the midst, and pointed 
at the top ; the Leaves, as of Bay-trees ; the Barke, of 
Olive colour. The Cloves grow ten and twentie together, 
in the tops of the Boughes ; first white, red at ripenesse, 
black by the drying. They gather them twice a yeere, in 
June and December. The Leafe, Barke, and Wood being 
greene, is as strong as the Clove. If they take them not 
in their time, they grow gfeat and hard. Every man 
hath his owne Trees, and bestowes little Husbandry on 
them. The Women are brutish, and goe naked, save 
that before their privities they have a covering made of 
a Tree, which being steeped in water, is beaten into as 
large a forme as they will, even to the thinnesse of Silke. 

Directly against the Hand of Tidore, there is another 
great Hand, named Gilolo, inhabited of Mores and Gen- 
tiles. The Mores have two Kings; of the which, one 
hath six hundred children, and the other six hundred and 
fiftie. The Gentiles keepe not so many Women as doe 
the Mores, nor yet live in such superstitions. They pray 
to the first thing that they meete in the Morning, when 
they goe forth of their Houses, and honour that as their 
God for that day. The King of the Gentiles is very 
rich in Gold. In the said Hand of Gilolo are Reedes 
as bigge as a mans legge, and full of cleare water, holesome 
to be drunke. 

The twelfth day of November, the King of Tidore 
appointed our men a Ware-house in the Citie, where they 
might sell their Marchandise. Their manner of exchange 
was in this sort : For ten yards of good red Cloth, they 
had one Bahar of Cloves, which amounteth to foure 
Cantari, and six pound weight ; and one Cantar is a 
hundred pound weight. For fifteene yards of Cloth, 
somewhat worse then the other, they received in Cambie, 
one Bahar. For five and thirtie drinking Cuppes of 
Glasse, they had one Bahar. For seventeene Cathyls of 
Quick-silver, one Bahar. They came dayly to the shippes, 
with many of their Barkes fulLpf Goats, Hennes, Figges 
of a span long, also the Fruit called Cocus, with divers 
11 113 H 



The Hand of 
Mores and 

Water in 

Their manner 
of bartering. 


Water of a 



Birds of a 
strange forme. 

They leave one 
of their sUppes 
behind them. 

The Hands of 


other kindes of Victuals, in such quantitie, that it was a 
marvellous thing to behold. They furnished also their 
ships with fresh Water, which is hot as it issueth out of 
the Spring, but is very cold when it hath stood a while 
in another place. It springeth from the Mountaines, on 
the which the Clove-trees grow. They saw a Cloud rise 
in manner daily, which compasseth about the said Moun- 
taines of Clove- trees. There were some Nutmeg- trees 

The King of the Hand of Bacchian sent the King of 
Spaine two dead Birds, of strange forme : They were of 
the bignesse of Turtle-Doves, with little heads and long 
bylls, also long and small legges, and no wings, but in 
the stead thereof, certaine long feathers of divers colours, 
and tayles like Turtle-Doves ; all the other feathers are 
of one colour, much like unto Tawny, except those of 
the wings : they flye not, but when the winde bloweth. 
These Mores are of opinion, that these Birds come from 
the heavenly Paradise, and therefore call them Manucco- 
diata, that is, the Birds of God. 

When they were determined to depart from the Hands 
of Molucca, certaine Kings of the Hands accompanied 
them with their Canoas, and conducted them to an Hand 
called Mare, where they refreshed their shippes with fresh 
Water and Fuell. The Kings sent the Emperors Majestie 
many presents ; and embracing our men, departed with 
the teares in their eyes : and our men, for their last 
farewell, shot off all their Ordenance. 

In the Hand of Mare they perceived, that one of their 
shippes leaked and tooke water very sore, whereby they 
were enforced to tarry there three dayes : but seeing that 
they could finde no remedie for the same, but in long time, 
they determined to leave it ; giving order, that if after- 
ward it could bee repayred, they should returne into Spaine 
as well as they could. 

In all the Hands of Molucca, is found Cloves, Ginger, 
Bread of the branches or inner parts of Sagu, Rice, Goats, 
Sheepe, Hennes, Figges, Almonds, sweet Pomegranats 



and sowre, Oranges, Limons, and Honey, which is made 
of certaine Flyes lesse then Ants : Also Canes of Sugar, 
Oyle of Cocus, Melons, Gourds, and a marvellous cold 
Fruit, which they name Camulicai, and divers other Fruits. 
Furthermore, white and red Popingayes, and other of 
variable colours. It is not past fiftie yeeres since the 
Mores first inhabited any of these Hands, which were 
before inhabited onely with Gentiles. 

The Hand of Tidore is above the Equinoctiall Line 
toward our Pole, about seven and twentie minutes, and 
in longitude from the place from whence they departed, 
a hundred seventie one degrees, and from the Archi- 
pelagus, in the which is the Hand of Zamal, which our 
men named the Hand of Theeves, nine degrees and a 
halfe, and runneth to the quarter of South South-west, 
and North North-east. Terenate is under the Equinoctiall 
Line foure minutes, under the Pole Antartike. Mutir is 
directly under the Equinoctiall Line. Macchian is fifteene 
minutes toward the Pole Antartike: and Bacchian, one 
degree. These Hands are like foure sharpe Mountaines, 
except Macchian, which is not sharpe. The biggest of all 
these, is Bacchian. 

Departing from the Hand of Mare, and directing their 
course toward the South-west, with onely six and fortie 
men in their ship, and thirteene Indians, they passed by 
the Hands of Chacovan, Lagoma, Sico, Gioghi, Caphi, 
Sulacho, Lumatola, Tenetum, Buru, Ambon, Budia, 
Celaruri, Benaia, Ambalao, Bandon, Zorobua, Zolot, 
Nocevamor, Galian, and Mallua, with divers other Hands 
both great and small, of Mores, Gentiles, and Canibals. 
Our men remayned fifteene dayes in the Hand of Mallua, 
to repayre their shippe in certaine places where it tooke 
water. All the fields of this Hand are fiill of long and 
round Pepper, and is situate toward the Pole Antartike, 
under the Equinoctiall Line, eight degrees and a halfe, and 
is in the longitude of a hundred sixtie nine degrees, and 
fortie minutes. The people are Men eaters. The Women 
use Bowes and Arrowes. The Men weare their Hayre 



Hony of Flyes. 


[I. ii. 45.] 
The Hand of 


Many Hands. 

The Hand of 



Little men 
u)tth long 
eares ; a 
report. Such 
hath bin the 
ground of 
fabulous Mon- 
sters in Pliny, 

The Hand of 

White Saun- 
ders and Gin- 

The Devill 

Saint Job his 


The Hands of 




and Beards in Canes. There growes much Pepper, both 
long and round, with Leaves like Mulberry, and climbing, 
like to Ivie. 

The Pilot which our men brought out of the Hands 
of Molucca, told them. That not farre from thence was an 
Hand named Arucetto, in the which are Men and Women 
not past a Cubit in height, having eares of such bignesse, 
that they lye upon one, and cover them with the other. 
But our men would not sayle thither, both because the 
Winde and course of the Sea was against them, and also 
for that they gave no credit to his report. 

The five and twentieth day of January, in the yeere 
1522. they departed from Mallua, and the day following 
arrived at a great Hand named Timor, being five Leagues 
distant from Mallua, betweene the South and South-west. 
In this Hand is found the Wood of white Saunders, and 
Ginger, and divers kindes of Fruits. Also sundry kindes 
of Beasts, and plentie of Victuall and Gold. They of the 
Hands of Giava, Molucca, and Lozon, resort to this Hand 
for Saunders. The Inhabitants are Gentiles. They say, 
that when they goe to cut the Wood of Saunders, the 
Devill appeareth to them in divers formes, and asketh 
them what they have neede of : And that after this Vision, 
many of them are long sicke. In all the Hands of this 
Archipelagus, reigneth the Disease of Saint Job (which we 
call the French Poxe) more then in any other place in the 
World. This Hand stands in ten degrees Antartike, and 
a hundred seventie foure in longitude. 

Farre from this Hand, betweene the West and North- 
west, they came to an Iland named Eude, in the which 
groweth great plentie of Cinnamome. In this Tract are 
found many Hands, lying in order (as it were) one directly 
behinde another, even unto the Iland of the greater Giava, 
named Giava major, and unto the Cape of Malacha, being 
in East India. Giava the lesse is as bigge as the Iland of 
Madera, and is but halfe a league distant from Giava major. 

The eleventh day of February, in the yeere 1522. they 
departed from the Iland of Timor, and were ingulfed by 




chance in the great Sea called Lantchidol, and tooke their The Sea of 

course betweene the West and South-west, leaving the Lantchidol. 

North Coasts on their right hand, fearing lest if they 

should sayle toward the firme Land, they might be seene 

of the Portugals, who are of great power in Malacha : and Makcha. 

therefore directed their course without the Hand of P^ ^^""'^ "f 

Sumatra, called in old time Taprobana. And more safely "'"^"''• 

to passe the Cape of Buona Speranza, being above Afrike, Buona 

they sayled about two and fortie degrees toward the Pole P'"^^^"- 

Antartike, and remayned seven weekes about that Cape, 

with many fetches compassing the Winde, with their sayles 

continually aloft, because they had a West and North-west 

Winde in the prow of their shippe, which would not suffer 

them to passe. The Cape of Buona Speranza is toward 

the Pole Antartike, beneath the Equinoctiall Line, foure 

and thirtie degrees and a halfe, and a thousand six hundred 

Leagues from the Cape of Malacha, and is the greatest 

and most dangerous Cape that is found at this day in all 

the World. 

When they had by these perils over-passed this Cape, 
certaine of them, as well for lacke of Victuals, as also by 
reason of Sicknesse, were minded to sayle to a Haven 
of the Portugals, named Mozambique, above Afrike : But ^■^^ Port of 
the other answered, That they would rather die, then goe Mozambique. 
to any other place then directly to Spaine. They followed 
their course therefore, sayling toward the South-west two 
moneths continually, without touching at any Port, in 
which time there died about one and twentie of their 
companie, whom they cast into the Sea. And surely, if 
God of his infinite mercie had not preserved the residue 
in time, they had all died of famine. 

In fine, being enforced of necessitie, and halfe of their [I. ii. 46.] 
companie dead, they sayled to one of the Hands of Capo 
Verde, called Insula Sancti Jacobi, that is, Saint James 
Hand, pertayning to the King of Portugal!. Where, as 
soone as they arrived, |;h'ey sent certaine a-land in the ship- 
boat for Victuals, declaring to the Portugals with all love 
and favour, what necessitie they were driven to, and what 




miseries and travailes they had sustained : informing them 

furthermore of their marvellous Voyage, and such things 

as they had seene in both the East and West India, with 

such other gentle words, whereby they obtayned certaine 

Measures of Rice. But when afterward thirteene of them 

returned for more Rice, they were detayned. Whereupon 

the rest which remayned in the shippe, fearing the like 

chance, departed with full sayles, and the seventh day of 

The Port of September, with the helpe of God, entred into the Haven 

■ "'^^''■'""'^ of San Lucar,neere unto Sivile : where discharging all their 
unto Sevtle. _ , r ■ 1 • t 1 1 

Ordenance for joy, they went immediately to the great 

Church, in their shirts, and bare-footed, with a Torch 

before them, to give thankes to Almightie God, who had 

brought them safe to their owne Countrey, and restored 

them to their Wives and Children. 

Of this shippe San Victoria, which returned, and had 

first discovered the Straits, they were called the Straits of 

Victoria, which name passed after to Magalianes himselfe. 

What became The Other shippe, which they left behind them to be 

h'ti " '^ repayred, returned afterward by the Archipelagus aforesaid, 

and by the great Sea, to the Coasts of the firme of the West 

India, and arrived at a Region of the same, being against 

Dotiena. Dariena, where the South Sea of Sur is separate but by a 

little space of Land from the West Ocean, in the which 

are the Hands of Hispaniola and Cuba, and other Hands 

of the Spaniards. 

The Portugals tooke the Trinitie, and the Castilians in 

Tidore, and overthrew their Factorie. They built also, 

by leave, a Fort in Ternate, and established a Factorie for 

themselves, indenting, that they alone should have the 

Cloves sold to them. John Sebastian Cano, which brought 

home the shippe Victoria into Spaine, was well rewarded 

by the Emperor. But much strife hereby grew betwixt 

Spaine and Portugall, each challenging the Molucca's to 

his owne division. Cosmographers were in fine appointed 

to define the Controversie, with Pilots and Judges on both 

sides deputed ; and after much menaces, and brabbles, and 

delayes, the Portugals Trade being great, and loth to lose 





* This Voyage 
is in Ramusio 

such a morsell, tooke the advantage of the Emperours 
marriage to the Lady Isabel, sister to King John of 
Portugall : which having use of money, empawned the 
Hands and Trade of Spicerie (going then into Italy to be 
crowned. Anno 1529.) to the said King for three hundred 
and fiftie thousand Duckats, without terme limitted. In 
the yeere 1548. Cortes offered to repay that money for six 
yeeres profits of that Trade, and to leave the same after 
that to the Crowne : But the Emperour would not admit 
it. And so it continued, till the Crowne of Portugall it 
selfe was annexed to the Castilian. 

Before also, some had attempted this discoverie out of 
New Spaine by the South Sea : but unluckily, as by the 
relation of Ivan Gaetan, a Castilian Pilot, * appeareth : 
Who set sayle from the Port of Nativitie, in twentie ^y^^^'rlw' 
degrees, 1542. and came to the Molucca's, where the 
King of Tidore gave them kinde entertainment, but their 
weake shippe forced them to agree with the Spaniards. 
This Sea is yeerely navigated by the Spaniards to the 
Philippina's, which now also concurre with the Molucca's. 

Chap. III. 

The second Circum-Navigation of the Earth : Or 
the renowmed Voyage of Sir Francis Drake, 
the first General! which ever sayled about the 
whole Globe, begun in the yeere of our Lord, 
1577. heretofore published by M. R. Hackluyt, 
and now reviewed and corrected. 

He fifteenth day of November, in the 
yeere of our Lord 1577. M. Francis 
Drake, with a Fleet of five Ships 
and Barkes, and to the number of a 
hundred sixtie foure men. Gentlemen 
and Saylers, departed from Plimmouth, 
giving out his pretended Voyage for 
Alexandria; but the Wind falling contrary, hee was 
forced the next morning to put into Falmouth Haven 




in Cornewall, where such and so terrible a Tempest 
tooke us, as few men have scene the like, and was 
indeed so vehement, that all our ships were like to 
have gone to wracke : but it pleased God to preserve us 
from that extremitie, and to afflict us onely for that present 
with these two particulars ; The Mast of our Admirall, 
which was the Pellican, was cut over-boord, for the safe- 
gard of the ship, and the Marigold was driven ashore, 
and somewhat bruised. For the repayring of which 
dammages, wee returned againe to Plimmouth : and 
having recovered those harmes, and brought the ships 
againe to good state, wee set forth the second time from 
Plimmouth, and set sayle the thirteenth day of December 
[I. ii. 47.] The five and twentieth day of the same moneth, wee 
fell with the Cape Cantin, upon the Coast of Barbaric: 
and coasting along, the seven and twentieth day wee found 
The Isle of an Hand called Mogador, lying one mile distant from the 
Mogador on maine ; betweene which Iland and the maine, wee found a 
Barbaric ^^^ good and safe harbour for our shippes to ride in, as 
also very good entrance, and void of any danger. On this 
Iland our Generall erected a Pinnace, whereof he brought 
out of England with him foure ready framed. 

While these things were in doing, there came to the 
Waters side some of the inhabitants of the Countrey, 
shewing forth their Flags of Truce : which being scene 
of our Generall, hee sent his shippe-boat to the shore, to 
know what they would. They being willing to come 
aboord, our men left there one man of our companie for 
a pledge, and brought two of theirs aboord our shippe, 
which by signes shewed our Generall, that the next day 
they would bring some provision, as Sheepe, Capons, and 
Hennes, and such like : whereupon our Generall bestowed 
amongst them some Linnen Cloth, and Shooes, and a 
Javelin, which they very joyfully received, and departed 
for that time. The next morning they fayled not to 
come againe to the Waters side, and our Generall againe 
setting out our Boat, one of our men leaping over-rashly 



ashore, and offering friendly to embrace them, they layd 

violent hands on him, offering a Dagger to his Throat, if 

he had made any resistance, and so laying him on a Horse, 

carryed him away : So that a man cannot be too circumspect 

and warie of himselfe, amongst such Miscreants. 

Our Pinnace being finished, wee departed from this Januane. 
place the thirtieth and last day of December : and coasting 
along the shore, wee did descrie, not contrary to our 
expectation, certaine Canters, which were Spanish Fisher- 
men ; to whom wee gave chase, and tooke three of them : 
and proceeding further, we met with three Caravels, and 
tooke them also. 

The seventeenth day of January we arrived at Cape 
Blanco, where we found a shippe riding at anchor, within 
the Cape, and but two simple Mariners in her : which 
shippe we tooke, and carryed her further into the Harbour, 
where we remayned foure dayes ; and in that space our 
Generall mustered, and trayned his men on Land, in 
warlike manner, to make them fit for all occasions. In 
this place we tooke of the Fisher-men such necessaries 
as we wanted, and they could yeeld us ; and leaving here 
one of our little Barkes, called the Benedict, wee tooke 
with us one of theirs, which they called Canters, being 
of the Burthen of for tie Tunnes, or thereabouts. 

All these things being finished, wee departed this Har- 
bour the two and twentieth of January, carrying along with 
us one of the Portugall Caravels, which was bound to the 
Hands of Cape Verde for Salt, whereof good store is made 
in one of those Hands. 

The Master or Pilot of that Caravell did advertise our 
Generall, That upon one of those Hands, called Mayo, The Isle of 
there was great store of dryed Cabritos, which a few ^'^y- 
Inhabitants, there dwelling, did yeerely make ready for 
such of the Kings ships as did there touch, being bound 
for his Countrey of Brasile, or elsewhere. Wee fell with 
this Hand the seven and twentieth of January : but the 
Inhabitants would in no case trafiique with us, being 
thereof forbidden by the Kings Edict. Yet the next day 



our General! sent to view the Hand, and the likelyhoods 
that might be there of provision of Victuals, about three- 
score and two men, under the conduct and government 
of Master Winter and Master Doughtie : and marching 
towards the chiefe place of habitation in this Hand (as by 
the Portugall wee were informed) having travelled to the 
Mountaines the space of three miles, and arriving there 
somewhat before the day breake, we rested our selves, to 
see day before us ; which appearing, wee found the 
Inhabitants to be fled : but the place, by reason that it 
was manured, we found to be more fruitful! then the other 
part, especially the Valleyes among the Hills. 
R'ffGrapes Here we gave our selves a little refreshing, as by very 
tntei. j.jpg ^^^ sweet Grapes, which the fruitfulnesse of the 
Earth at that season of the yeere yeelded us : and that 
season being with us the depth of Winter, it may seeme 
strange that those Fruits were then there growing : but the 
reason thereof is this, because they being betweene the 
Tropique and the Equinoctiall, the Sunne passeth twice 
in the yeere through their Zenith, over their heads, by 
meanes whereof, they have two Summers ; and being so 
neere the heat of the Line, they never lose the heat of 
the Sunne so much, but the Fruits have their encrease 
and continuance in the midst of Winter. The Hand is 
wonderfully stored with Goats and wild Hennes, and it 
hath Salt also without labour, save onely that the people 
gather it into heapes, which continually in great quantitie 
is encreased upon the Sands, by the flowing of the Sea, 
and the heat of the Sunne kerning the same ; so that of 
the encrease thereof, they keepe a continual! TraflBique with 
their Neighbours. 
The descrip- Amongst other things, we found here a kind of Fruit 
"rfb^'^'^'h^ called Cocos ; which, because it is not commonly knowne 
Cocos. ^^*-^ ^^ ^^ England, I thought good to make some descrip- 

tion of it. The Tree beareth no Leaves nor Branches, 
but at the very top the Fruit groweth in clusters, hard at 
the top of the stemme of the Tree, as big every several! 
Fruit as a mans head : but having taken off the uttermost 




Barke, which you shall find to be very full of strings or 
sinewes, as I may terme them, you shall come to a hard 
shell, which may hold of quantitie in Liquor a Pint com- 
monly, or some a Quart, and some lesse : within that shell, [!• "• 48-] 
of the thicknesse of halfe an ynch good, you shall have a 
kind of hard substance, and very white, no lesse good and 
sweet then Almonds ; within that againe a certaine cleare 
Liquor, which being drunke, you shall not onely find it 
very delicate and sweet, but most comfortable and cordiall. 

After wee had satisfied our selves with some of these 
Fruits, wee marched further into the Island, and saw 
great store of * Cabritos alive, which were so chased by * Or Goats. 
the inhabitants, that wee could doe no good towards our 
provision : but they had layd out (as it were) to stop our 
mouthes withall, certaine old dryed Cabritos, which being 
but ill, and small, and few, wee made no account of. 

Being returned to our shippes, our Generall departed 
hence the one and thirtieth of this moneth, and sayled 
by the Hand of Saint lago, but farre enough from the The hie of 
danger of the inhabitants, who shot and discharged at us ' *^' 
three Peeces, but they all fell short of us, and did us no 
harme. The Hand is faire and large, and as it seemeth, 
rich and fruitfull, and inhabited by the Portugals : but 
the Mountaines and high places of the Hand are said to 
bee possessed by the Mores ; who having beene slaves 
to the Portugals, to ease themselves, made escape to the 
desart places of the Hand, where they abide with great 

Being before this Hand, wee espyed two shippes under 
sayle, to the one of which wee gave chase, and in the ende 
boorded her with a ship-boat without resistance, which 
we found to be a good Prize, and she yeelded unto us j4 Prize, and 
good store of Wine : which Prize our Generall committed ^p'/^f^iJ"' 
to the custodie of Master Doughtie ; and retayning the p^^^^ ^^^^ 
Pilot, sent the rest away with his Pinnace, giving them a 
But of Wine, and some Victuals, and their wearing clothes,, 
and so they departed. 

The same Night wee came with the Hand called by the 



The Isle of Portugals, Ilha del fogo, that is, the burning Hand : in 
^"iP- the North side whereof is a consuming fire, the matter is 

said to be of Sulphure, but notwithstanding it is like to 
be a commodious Hand, because the Portugals have built, 
and doe inhabite there. Upon the South side thereof 
lyeth a most pleasant and sweet Hand, the Trees whereof 
are alwayes greene and faire to looke upon, in respect 
whereof, they call it Hha Brava, that is, the brave Hand. 
From the bankes thereof, into the Sea, doe runne in many 
places reasonable streames of fresh Waters, easie to be 
come by, but there was no convenient Roade for our 
shippes : for such was the depth, that no ground could 
bee had for anchoring ; and it is reported, that Ground 
was never found in that place : so that the tops of Fogo 
burne not so high in the Ayre, but the rootes of Brava 
are drenched as low in the Sea. 

Being departed from these Hands, wee drew towards the 
Line, where wee were becalmed the space of three weekes, 
but yet subject to divers great Stormes, terrible Light- 
nings, and much Thunder : but with this miserie, wee 
had the commoditie of great store of Fish, as Dolphins, 
Bonitos, and flying Fishes, whereof some fell into our 
shipjpes, where-hence they could not rise againe, for want 
of moysture ; for when their Wings are drie, they cannot 

From the first day of our departure from the Islands 
of Cape Verde, wee sayled foure and fiftie dayes without 
Aprill. sight of Land, and the first Land that wee fell with, was 

33. Degrees, the Coast of Brasil, which wee saw the fift of April, in the 
height of three and thirtie degrees towards the Pole Antar- 
tike : and being discovered at Sea by the inhabitants of 
the Countrey, they made upon the Coast great fires for a 
Sacrifice (as wee learned) to the Devils ; about which, 
they use Conjurations, making heapes of Sand, and other 
Ceremonies, that when any shippe shall goe about to stay 
upon their Coast, not onely Sands may be gathered 
together in Shoalds in every place, but also that Stormes 
and Tempests may arise, to the casting away of shippes 




and men, whereof (as it is reported) there have beene 
divers experiments. 

The seventh day, in a mightie great Storme both of 

Lightning, Raine, and Thunder, wee lost the Canter, 

which wee called the Christopher : but the eleventh day 

after, by our Generals great care in dispersing his shippes, 

wee found her againe ; and the place where wee met, our 

Generall called the Cape of Joy, where every shippe tooke '^'" ^"f^ "f 

in some Water. Here wee found a good Temperature, "■''■ 

and sweet Ayre, a very faire and pleasant Countrey, with 

an exceeding fruitfuU Soyle, where were great store of 

large and mightie Deere, but wee came not to the sight 

of any people : but travelling further into the Countrey, 

wee perceived the footing of people in the Clay-ground, 

shewing that they were men of great stature. Being 

■ returned to our shippes, wee weighed anchor, and ranne 

somewhat further, and harboured our selves betweene a 

Rocke and the Maine, where, by meanes of the Rocke 

that brake the force of the Sea, wee rid very safe : and 

upon this Rocke wee killed, for our provision, certaine 

Sea- Wolves, commonly called with us Seales. 

From hence wee went our course to six and thirtie Their entrance 
degrees, and entred the great River of Plate, and ranne '»'' '-^^ ^^'^'^ 
into foure and fiftie and three and fiftie fadomes and a 
halfe of fresh Water, where wee filled our Water by the 
shippes side : but our Generall finding here no good 
Harborough, as hee thought hee should, bare out againe 
to Sea the seven and twentieth of Aprill, and in bearing [I. ii. 49.] 
out, wee lost sight of our Flie-boat wherein Master 
Doughtie was : but wee sayling along, found a faire and 
reasonable good Bay, wherein were many, and the same 
profitable Hands, one whereof had so many Seales, as Abundance of 
would at the least have laden all our shippes ; and the '^^• 
rest of the Hands are as it were laden with Fowles, which 
is wonderfuU to see, and they of divers sorts. It is a 
place very plentifliU of Victuals, and hath in it no want of 
fresh Water. Our Generall after certaine dayes of his 
abode in this place, being on shore in an Hand, the people 




of the Countrey shewed themselves unto him, leaping and 
dancing, and entred into traffique with him, but they would 
not receive any thing at any mans hands, but the same 
must be cast upon the ground. They are of cleane, 
comely, and strong bodies, swift on foot, and seeme to be 
very active. 
May. The eighteenth day of May our Generall thought it 

needfull to have a care of such ships as were absent, and 
therefore indevouring to seeke the Flie-boat wherein 
Master Doughtie was, wee espyed her againe the next 
day : and whereas certaine of our ships were sent to 
discover the Coast, and to search an Harbour, the Mary- 
gold and the Canter being imployed in that businesse, 
came unto us, and gave us understanding of a safe 
Harbour that they had found, wherewith all our ships bare, 
and entred it, where wee watred, and made new provision 
of Victuals, as by Seales, whereof wee slew to the number 
of two hundred or three hundred in the space of an houre. 
Tie Flie-boat Here our Generall in the Admirall rid close aboord 
Turnf"^^ the Flie-boat, and tooke out of her all the provision of 
Victuals and what else was in her, and haling her to the 
Land, set fire to her, and so burnt her, to save the Iron 
worke : Which being a doing, there came downe of the 
The people of Countrey certaine of the people naked, saving onely about 
the Countrey. ^j^^jj. ^^5^5 j^g Skinne of some Beast, with the furre or 
hayre on, and something also wreathed on their heads: 
their faces were painted with divers colours, and some of 
them had on their heads the similitude of homes, every 
man his Bow, which was an Ell in length, and a couple of 
Arrowes. They were very agill people, and quicke to 
deliver, and seemed not to be ignorant in the feates of 
Warres, as by their order of ranging a few men, might 
appeare. These people would not of a long time receive 
any thing at our hands : yet at length our Generall being 
ashore, and they dancing after their accustomed manner 
about him, and hee once turning his backe towards them, 
one leapt suddenly to him, and tooke his Cap with his 
Gold Band off his head, and ranne a little distance from 




him, and shared it with his fellow, the Cap to the one, 
and the Band to the other. Having dispatched all our 
businesse in this place, wee departed and set sayle, and 
immediately upon our setting forth, wee lost our Canter, 
which was absent three or foure dayes : but when our 
Generall had her againe, hee tooke out the necessaries, 
and so gave her over, neere to the Cape of Good Hope. The Cape of 

The next day after, being the twentieth of June, wee G'od Hope. 
harboured our selves againe in a very good Harborough, 
called by Magellan, Port S. Julian, where wee found a Port S.Julian. 
Gibbet standing upon the Maine, which wee supposed to 
be the place where Magellan did execution upon some 
of his disobedient and rebellious company. And here M. ^- Thomas 
Thomas Doughty was tried, and received sentence of ^'"fj^j 
death, which was also here executed. Here also some 
of our men going ashore, were by the Savages forced to 

The seventeenth day of August wee departed the Port August. 
of S. Julian, and the twentieth day wee fell with the 
Strait or Freat of Magellan, going into the South Sea, at T^ ^'J'"'' "f 
the Cape or Head-land whereof, wee found the bodie of 
a dead Man, whose flesh was cleane consumed. 

The one and twentieth day wee entred the Strait, which 
wee found to have many turnings, and as it were shuttings 
up, as if there were no passage at all, by meanes whereof, 
wee had the Winde often against us, so that some of the 
Fleet recovering a Cape or Point of Land, others should 
be forced to turne backe againe, and to come to an Anchor 
where they could. In this Strait there be many faire 
Harbours, with store of fresh Water, but yet they lacke 
their best commoditie : for the Water is there of such 
depth, that no man shall find ground to anchor in, except 
it be in some narrow River or Corner, or betweene some 
Rockes ; so that if any extreme Blasts or contrary Winds 
doe come (whereunto the place is much subject) it carrieth 
with it no small danger. 

The Land on both sides is very huge and mountainous ; 
the lower Mountaines whereof, although they be mon- 




strous and wonderfull to looke upon, for their height, 

yet there are others which in height exceede them in a 

strange manner, reaching themselves above their fellowes 

so high, that betweene them did appeare three Regions 

of Clouds. These Mountaines are covered with Snow: 

At both the Southerly and Easterly parts of the Strait 

there are Hands, among which the Sea hath his indraught 

into the Straits, even as it hath in the maine entrance of 

the Freat. This Strait is extreme cold, with Frost and 

Snow continually : The Trees seeme to stoope with the 

burthen of the Weather, and yet are greene continually; 

and many good and sweet Herbes doe very plentifully 

grow and increase under them. 

[I. ii. 50.] The bredth of the Strait is in some places a League, 

Thebredthof -^^ gome Other places two Leagues, and three Leagues, 

the Straits of ,. ^" r t °ii °i 

Magellan. ^^'^ 1*1 some other, roure Leagues : but the narrowest place 

hath a League over. 

Abundance of The foure and twentieth of August wee arrived at an 

Pen^tns in Hand in the Straits, where wee found great store of Fowle 
which could not flye, of the bignesse of Geese, whereof 
wee killed in lesse then one day three thousand, and 
victualled our selves throughly therewith. 

September. The sixt day of September wee entred the South Sea 

at the Cape or Head shore. 

The seventh day wee were driven by a great storme 
from the entring into the South Sea, two hundred Leagues 
and odde in longitude, and one degree to the Southward 
of the Strait : in which height, and so many Leagues to 
the Westward, the fifteenth day of September fell out the 
Eclipse of the Moone, at the houre of sixe of the Clocke 
at Night : but neyther did the Eclipticall conflict of the 
Moone impayre our state, nor her clearing againe amend 
us a whit, but the accustomed Eclipse of the Sea continued 
in his force, wee being darkened more then the Moone 

57. egrees From the Bay (which wee called, The Bay of severing 

ana a terce of . ^ . . . J ^ ,. ,' ,i , ,? 

Southerly Or l^riends) wee were driven backe to the Southward or 
latitude. the Straits, in seven and fiftie degrees and a terce : in 




which height, wee came to an anchor among the Hands, 
having there fresh and very good Water, with Herbes of 
singular vertue. Not farre from hence, wee entred an- 
other Bay, where wee found people, both Men and 
Women, in their Canoas, naked, and ranging from one Botero 
Hand to another, to seeke their Meat ; who entred traffique ^^'^^^/ ^^^^ 
with us, for such things as they had. fiund this 

Wee returning hence Northward againe, found the place all 
third of October three Hands, in one of which was such Hands. 
plentie of Birds, as is scant credible to report. 

The eight day of October wee lost sight of one of our ^- ff^i^ter 
Consorts, wherein M. Winter was, who, as then wee '^f^*^f/ ''"'^ 
supposed, was put by a storme into the Straits againe : 
which, at our returne home, wee found to be true, and he 
not perished, as some of our companie feared. 

[He still (I think) is alive. I conferred with him of 
this Voyage at Bathe, in Septemb. 161 8. He told me, 
and desired that it should be published, That formall 
Possession was then and there taken of the said Straits 
and Territories, with Turfe and Twigge, after the English 
manner ; Captaine Drake delivering him the said Posses- 
sion, in the name and to the use of Queene Elizabeth, 
and her Successors.] 

Thus being come into the height of the Straits againe, 
wee ranne, supposing the Coast of Chili to lye as the 
generall Maps have described it, namely. North-west, T^ke trending 
which wee found to lye and trend to the North-east, and "ft^J Coast of 
Eastwards : whereby it appeareth, that this part of Chili 
hath not beene truely hitherto discovered, or at the least 
not truely reported, for the space of twelve degrees at the 
least, being set downe eyther of purpose to deceive, or 
of ignorant conjecture. 

Wee continuing our course, fell the nine and twentieth The Ik la 
of November with an Hand called la Mocha, where wee ^<"^'^'*" i^- 
cast anchor, and our Generall hoysing out our Boat, went ,q minutes. 
with tenne of our companie to shore, where wee found 
people, whom the cruell and extreme dealings of the 
Spaniards have forced, for their owne safetie and libertie, 
It 129 I 



to flye from the Maine, and to fortifie themselves in this 
Hand. Wee being on land, the people came downe to 
us to the Water side, with shew of great courtesie, bring- 
ing to us Potatoes, Rootes, and two very fat Sheepe, 
which our Generall received, and gave them other things 
for them, and had promise to have Water there : But the 
next day repayring againe to the shore, and sending two 
men aland with Barrels to fill Water, the people taking 
them for Spaniards (to whom they use to shew no favoxir, 
if they take them) layd violent hands on them, and as 
we thinke, slew them. 

Our Generall seeing this, stayed here no longer, but 
weighed anchor, and set sayle towards the Coast of Chili, 
and drawing towards it, wee met neere to the shore an 
Indian in a Canoa, who thinking us to have beene 
Spaniards, came to us and told us. That at a place called 
S. lago, there was a great Spanish shippe laden from the 
Kingdome of Peru : for which good newes, our Generall 
gave him divers Trifles, whereof he was glad, and went 
along with us, and brought us to the place, which is called 
The Port of the Port of Valparizo. 

Valpaifz.0, m "When wee came thither, wee found indeede the shippe 
40 mnutes. riding at anchor, having in her eight Spaniards and three 
Negros, who thinking us to have beene Spaniards, and 
their friends, welcommed us with a Drumme, and made 
Wineof Chili, ready a Bottija, of Wine of Chili, to drinke to us : but 
as soone as wee were entred, one of our company, called 
Thomas Moone, began to lay about him, and strucke 
one of the Spaniards, and said unto him, Abaxo Perro, 
that is in English, Goe downe Dogge. One of these 
Spaniards seeing persons of that qualitie in those Seas, all 
to crossed and blessed himselfe : but to be short, wee 
stowed them under Hatches, all save one Spaniard, who 
suddenly and desperately leapt over-boord into the Sea, 
and swam ashore to the Towne of S. lago, to give them 
The Towne of warning of our arrivall. They of the Towne being not 
S. lago taken. ^i^Qve nine Households, presently fled away, and aban- 
doned the Towne. Our Generall manned his Boat, and 



the Spanish shippes Boat, and went to the Towne : and 
being come to it, wee rifled it, and came to a small 
Chappell, which wee entred, and found therein a Silver 
Challice, two Cruets, and one Altar-Cloth, the spoyle [I. ii. 51.] 
whereof our Generall gave to M. Fletcher, his Minister. 
Wee found also in this Towne a Ware-house, stored with 
Wine of Chili, and many boords of Cedar- Wood ; all ^'^^ "f 
which Wine wee brought away with us, and certaine of ' *^' 
the boords, to burne for fire-wood : and so being come 
aboord, wee departed the Haven, having first set all the 
Spaniards on land, saving one John Griego, a Greeke JohnGr'ugo,a 
borne, whom our Generall carryed with him for his Pilot, ' *" ^"' 
to bring him into the Haven of Lima. 

When wee were at Sea, our Generall rifled the shippe, 
and found in her good store of the Wine of Chili, and 
five and twentie thousand Pezoes of very pure and fine 
Gold of Baldivia, amounting in value to seven and Gold of Bd- 
thirtie thousand Duckats of Spanish Money, and above. "' 
So going on our course, wee arrived next at a place called 
Coquimbo, where our Generall sent foureteene of his men Coquimbo in 
on land to fetch Water : but they were espyed by the ^9- 'grees,^ 
Spaniards, who came with three hundred horsemen and 
two hundred footmen, and slew one of our men with a 
Peece ; the rest came aboord in safetie, and the Spaniards 
departed : wee went on shore againe, and buried our 
man, and the Spaniards came downe againe with a 
Flag of Truce ; but wee set sayle, and would not trust 

From hence wee went to a certaine Port, called Tara- Tarapaxa. 
paxa : where being landed, wee found by the Sea side a 
Spaniard lying asleepe, who had lying by him thirteene 
Barres of Silver, which weighed foure thousand Duckats 
Spanish ; wee tooke the Silver, and left the man. 

Not farre from hence, going on land for fresh Water, 
wee met with a Spaniard and an Indian Boy driving eight 
Llamas or Sheepe of Peru, which are as bigge as Asses ; 
every of which Sheepe had on his backe two Bagges of 
Leather, each Bagge containing fiftie pound weight of 





Arka in 
18. degrees 
30. mi?iutes. 

fine Silver : so that bringing both the Sheepe and their 
Burthen to the shippes, wee found in all the Bagges eight 
hundred weight of Silver. 

Hence wee sayled to a place called Arica : and being 
entred the Port, wee found there three small Barkes, 
which wee rifled, and found in one of them seven and 
fiftie Wedges of Silver, each of them weighing about 
twentie pound weight, and every of these Wedges were 
of the fashion and bignesse of a Brick-bat. In all these 
three Barkes wee found not one person : for they mis- 
trusting no strangers, were all gone aland to the Towne, 
which consisteth of about twentie Houses, which we 
would have ransacked, if our companie had beene better, 
and more in number. But our Generall contented with 
the spoyle of the shippes, left the Towne, and put off 
againe to Sea, and set sayle for Lima, and by the way 
met with a small Barke, which hee boorded, and found in 
her good store of Linnen Cloth, whereof taking some 
quantitie, hee let her goe. 

To Lima wee came the thirteenth day of February: 
dep-ees, ^^^ being entred the Haven, wee found there about 
twelve sayle of shippes, lying fast moored at an anchor, 
having all their sayles carryed on shore : for the Masters 
and Marchants were here most secure, having never beene 
assaulted by enemies, and at this time feared the approach 
of none such as wee were. Our Generall rifled these 
shippes, and found in one of them a Chest full of Ryals 
of Plate, and good store of Silkes and Linnen Cloth, and 
tooke the Chest into his owne shippe, and good store of 
the Silkes and Linnen. In which shippe hee had newes 
of another shippe, called the Cacafuego, which was gone 
towards Paita, and that the same shippe was laden with 
Treasure : whereupon wee stayed no longer here, but 
cutting all the Cables of the shippes in the Haven, wee 
let them drive whither they would, eyther to Sea, or to 
the shore, and with all speede wee followed the Cacafiiego 
toward Paita, thinking there to have found her; but 
before wee arrived there, shee was gone from thence 


Lima in 



towards Panama : whom our Generall still pursued, and 
by the way met with a Barke laden with Ropes and Tackle 
for shippes, which hee boorded and searched, and found 
in her fourescore pound weight of Gold, and a Crucifixe 
of Gold, with goodly great Emeraulds set in it, which 
hee tooke, and some of the Cordage also for his owne 

From hence wee departed, still following the Cacafuego, 
and our Generall promised our companie, that whosoever 
could first descry her, should have his Chayne of Gold 
for his good newes. It fortuned, that John Drake going 
up into the top, descryed her about three of the clocke, 
and about sixe of the clocke wee came to her and boorded The rich ship 
her, and shot at her three Peeces of Ordenance, and <^^^^^the 
strucke downe her Misne : and being entred, wee found taken ^'' 
in her great Riches, as Jewels and precious Stones, thir- 
teene Chests full of Ryals of Plate, fourescore pound 
weight of Gold, and six and twentie Tunne of Silver. 
The place where wee tooke this Prize, was called Cape de Cape de San 

San Francisco, about an hundred and fiftie Leagues from ^'''"'"^"y *" 
T, ° I . degree to 

Panama , , . , . . , the North. 

The Pilots name of this shippe, was Francisco : and 
amongst other Plate that our Generall found in this shippe, 
hee found two very faire gilt BoUes of Silver, which were 
the Pilots : to whom our General said : Senior Pilot, you 
have here two Silver Cups, but I must needes have one 
of them ; which the Pilot, because hee could not other- 
wise chuse, yeelded unto, and gave the other to the 
Steward of our Generals shippes. 

When this Pilot departed from us, his Boy said thus 
unto our Generall : Captaine, our shippe shall be called [I. il. 52.] 
no more the Cacafuego, but the Cacaplata, and your shippe 
shall be called the Cacafuego : Which prettie speech of 
the Pilots Boy ministred matter of Laughter to us, both 
then and long after. 

When our Generall had done what hee would with this 
Cacafuego, hee cast her off, and wee went on our course 
still towards the West: and not long after, met with a 




China silkes, 
and Pcrcellan. 


The Portugal! 

Pilot set on 

land: his name 

was Nuno da 


The Hand of 


A ship with a 
Governour for 
the Hands of 


shippe laden with Linnen Cloth, and fine China Dishes, 
of white Earth, and great store of China Silkes ; of all 
which things, wee tooke as wee listed. The Owner 
himselfe of this shippe was in her, who was a Spanish 
Gentleman : from whom, our Generall tooke a Fawlcon 
of Gold, with a great Emerauld in the brest thereof; 
and the Pilot of the shippe hee tooke also with him, and 
so cast the shippe off. 

This Pilot brought us to the Haven of Guatulco : the 
Towne whereof, as hee told us, had but seventeene 
Spaniards in it. As soone as wee were entred this Haven, 
wee landed, and went presently to the Towne, and to the 
Towne-house, where wee found a Judge sitting in Judge- 
ment, being associate with three other Officers, upon three 
Negros that had conspired the burning of the Towne: 
both which Judges and Prisoners wee tooke, and brought 
them a ship-boord, and caused the chiefe Judge to write 
his Letter to the Towne, to command all the Townes-men 
to avoid, that wee might safely water there. Which being 
done, and they departed, wee ransacked the Towne, and 
in one house wee found a Pot, of the quantitie of a 
Bushell, full of Ryals of Plate, which wee brought to our 
shippe. And here one Thomas Moone, one of our com- 
panie, tooke a Spanish Gentleman, as hee was flying out 
of the Towne ; and searching him, hee found a Chayne 
of Gold about him, and other Jewels, which hee tooke, 
and so let him goe. 

At this place our Generall, among other Spaniards, set 
ashore his Portugall Pilot, which hee tooke at the Islands 
of Cape Verde, out of a shippe of S. Mary Port of 
Portugall : And having set them ashore, wee departed 
hence, and sayled to the Hand of Canno ; where out 
Generall landed, and brought to shore his owne shippe, 
and discharged her, mended, and graved her, and fUrnished 
our shippe with Water and Wood sufficiently. And while 
wee were here, wee espyed a shippe, and set sayle, after 
her, and tooke her, and found in her two Pilots and a 
Spanish Governour, going for the Hands of the Philip- 



pina's : Wee searched the shippe, and tooke some of her 
Merchandizes, and so let her goe. 

Our Generall at this place and time, thinking himselfe, 
both in respect of his private injuries received from the 
Spaniards, as also of their contempts and indignities 
offered to our Countrey and Prince in generall, sufficiently 
satisfied, and revenged : and supposing, that her Majestie 
at his returne would rest contented with this service, 
piu-posed to continue no longer upon the Spanish Coasts, 
but began to consider and to consult of the best way for 
his Countrey. Hee thought it not good to returne by 
the Straits, for two speciall causes : The one, lest the 
Spaniards should there wait and attend for him in great 
number and strength ; whose hands, he being left but 
one shippe, could not possibly escape : The other cause, 
was the dangerous situation of the Mouth of the Straits 
in the South Sea, where continuall stormes reigning and 
blustering, as hee found by experience, besides the 
Shoalds and Sands upon the Coast, hee thought it not a 
good course to adventure that way. Hee resolved there- 
fore, to avoid these hazards, to goe forward to the Hands 
of the Molucca's ; and thence, to sayle the course of the 
Portugals, by the Cape of Buena Esperanza. 

Upon this resolution, hee began to thinke of his best 
way to the Molucca's ; and finding himselfe where hee 
now was becalmed, hee saw that of necessitie hee must 
be forced to take a Spanish course, namely, to sayle some- 
what Northerly, to get a Winde. Wee therefore set 
sayle, and sayled six hundred Leagues at the least for a 
good Winde ; and thus much wee sayled fi'om the six- 
teenth of Aprill, till the third of June. 

The fift day of June, being in three and fortie degrees 
towards the Pole Artike, wee found the Ayre so cold, that 
our men being grievously pinched with the same, com- 
playned of the extremitie thereof; and the further wee 
went, the more the Cold encreased upon us. Whereupon 
wee thought it best for that time to seeke the Land, and 
did so, finding it not Mountaynous, but lowe plaine Land, 




It was the 
more stormte 
at his being 
there, because 
it was then the 
Winter season 
in those parts. 


Sir Francis 
Drake sayled 
on the backside 
of America to 
43. degrees of 

38. degrees. 

A description 
of the People 
and Countrey 
of Nova 

[I. ii. 53.] 

A long 


till wee came within eight and thirtie degrees towards 
the Line. In which height, it pleased God to send us 
into a faire and good Bay, with a good Winde to enter 
the same. 

In this Bay wee anchored, and the people of the 
Countrey having their Houses close by the Waters side, 
shewed themselves unto us, and sent a present to our 
Generall. When they came unto us, they greatly won- 
dered at the things that wee brought : but our Generall 
(according to his naturall and accustomed humanitie) 
courteously intreated them, and liberally bestowed on 
them necessarie things to cover their nakednesse ; where- 
upon they supposed us to be Gods, and would not be 
perswaded to the contrarie. The Presents which they 
sent to our Generall, were Feathers, and Kawles of Net- 
worke. Their Houses are digged round about with 
Earth, and have from the uttermost brimmes of the Circle, 
Clifts of Wood set upon them, joyning close together at 
the top like a Spire-Steeple, which by reason of that 
closenesse, are very warme. Their Bed is the Ground, 
with Rushes strowed on it : and lying about the House, 
have the fire in the midst. The Men goe naked : the 
Women take Bull-rushes, and kembe them after the 
manner of Hempe, and thereof make their loose Gar- 
ments, which being knit about their middles, hang downe 
about their hippes, having also about their shoulders 
a Skinne of Deere, with the hayre upon it. These 
Women are very obedient and serviceable to their 

After they were departed from us, they came and visited 
us the second time, and brought with them. Feathers and 
Bagges of Tabacco for Presents : And when they came to 
the top of the Hill (at the bottome whereof wee had 
pitched our Tents) they stayed themselves ; where one 
appointed for Speaker, wearyed himselfe with making a 
long Oration : which done, they left their Bowes upon the 
Hill, and came downe with their Presents. In the meane 
time, the Women remayning on the Hill, tormented them- 



selves lamentably, tearing their flesh from their cheekes ; 
whereby wee perceived, that they were about a Sacrifice. 
In the meane time, our Generall, with his companie, went 
to Prayer, and to reading of the Scriptures ; at which 
Exercise they were attentive, and seemed greatly to be 
affected with it : but when they were come unto us, they 
restored againe unto us those things which before wee 
bestowed upon them. 

The newes of our being there, being spred through the 
Countrey, the people that inhabited round about came 
downe, and amongst them, the King himselfe, a man of a 
goodly stature, and comely personage, with many other 
tall and warlike men : before whose comming, were sent 
two Embassadors to our GeneraU, to signifie that their 
King was comming ; in doing of which message, their 
speech was continued about halfe an houre. This ended, 
they by signes requested our Generall to send some thing 
by their hand to their King, as a token, that his comming 
might be in peace : Wherein our Generall having satisfied 
them, they returned with glad tidings to their King ; who 
marched to us with a Princely Majestie, the people crying 
continually after their manner : and as they drew neere 
unto us, so did they strive to behave themselves in their 
actions with comelinesse. In the fore-front was a man of 
a goodly personage, who bare the Scepter or Mace before 
the King, whereupon hanged two Crownes, a lesse and a 
bigger, with three Chaynes of a marvellous length : the 
Crownes were made of knit worke, wrought artificially, 
with Feathers of divers colours ; the Chaynes were made Chaynes like 
of a bonie substance, and few be the persons among them '^"^ °f 
that are admitted to weare them ; and of that number "^^ '^' 
also, the persons are stinted, as some tenne, some twelve, 
&c. Next unto him which bare the Scepter, was the King 
himselfe, with his Guard about his person, clad with Cony- 
skins, and other Skins: after them, followed the naked 
common sort of people, every one having his face painted, 
some with white, some with blacke, and other colours, 
and having in their hands one thing or another for a 




Present ; not so much as their children, but they also 
brought their Presents. 

In the meane time our Generall gathered his men 
together, and marched within his fenced place, making 
against their approching, a very Warlike shew. They 
being trouped together in their order, and a generall 
salutation being made, there was presently a generall 
silence. Then he that bare the Scepter before the King, 
being informed by another (whom they assigned to that 
Office,) with a manly and loftie voyce proclaymed that 
which the other spake to him in secret, continuing halfe 
an houre : and a generall Amen as it were given, the King 
with the whole number of men and women (the Children 
excepted) came downe without any Weapon, who descend- 
ing to the foote of the Hill, set themselves in order. In 
comming towards our Bulwarkes and Tents, the Scepter- 
bearer began a Song, observing his Measures in a Dance, 
and that with a stately countenance, whom the King with 
his Guard, and every degree of persons following, did in 
like manner sing and dance, saving onely the women, 
which danced and kept silence. The Generall permitted 
them to enter within our Bulwarke, where they continued 
their Song and Dance a reasonable time. When they had 
satisfied themselves, they made signes to our Generall to 
sit downe, to whom the King, and divers others made 
severall Orations, or rather Supplications, that he would 
take their Province and Kingdome into his hand, and 
become their King, making signes that they would resigne 
unto him their right and title of the whole Land, and 
become his Subjects. In which, to perswade us the better, 
the King and the rest, with one consent, and with great 
The King reverence, joyftiUy singing a Song, did set the Crowne 
Ztmne^mtd ^P"'^ ^^^ ^^ ' i^^ri^hed his necke with all their Chaines, 
Kingdome to ^"^^ offered unto him many other things, honouring him 
Sir Francis by the name of Hioh, adding thereunto as it seemed, a 
Drake. signe of Triumph : which thing our Generall thought not 
meete to reject, because hee knew not what honour and 
profit it might be to oure Countrey. Wherefore in the 



name, and to the use of her Majestie, he tooke the Scepter, 
Crowne, and Dignitie of the said Countrey into his hands, 
wishing that the Riches and Treasure therof might so 
conveniently be transported, to the inriching of her King- 
dome at home, as it aboundeth in the same. 

The common sort of people leaving the King and his 
Guard with our General!, scattered themselves together 
with their Sacrifices among our people, taking a diligent 
view of everie person : and such as pleased their fancie, [I. ii. 54-J 
(which were the yongest) they inclosing them about, 
offered their Sacrifices unto them with lamentable weep- 
ing, scratching, and tearing the flesh from their faces with 
their nayles, whereof issued abundance of bloud. But 
wee used signes to them of disliking this, and stayed their 
hands from force, and directed them upwards to the living 
God, whom onely they ought to worship. They shewed '^f'^ 1*^^ *^^y 
unto us their wounds, and craved helpe of them at our ^ *" "^ ^' 
hands, whereupon we gave them Lotions, Playsters, and 
Oyntments, agreeing to the state of their griefes, beseech- 
ing God to cure their Diseases. Every third day they 
brought their Sacrifices unto us, untill they understood 
our meaning, that we had no pleasure in them : yet they 
could not being absent from us, but daily frequented our 
Companie to the houre of our departure, which departure 
seemed so grievous unto them, that their joy was turned 
into sorrow. They intreated us, that Being absent we 
would remember them, and by stealth provided a Sacrifice, 
which we misliked. 

Our necessarie businesse being ended, our Generall with 
his Companie travailed up into the Countrey to their Vil- 
lages, where wee found Herdes of Deere by a thousand Great Herds 
in a companie, being most large, and fat of bodie. Wee "f^^^re. 
found the whole Countrey to be a Warren of a strange 
kind of Conies, their bodies in bignesse as be the Barbary Abundance of 
Conies, their heads as the heads of ours, the feet of a '^^^'^"p 
Want, and the tayle of a Rat being of great length : under ''"^"' 
her chinne is on eyther side a bag, into the which shee 
gathereth her meate, when shee hath filled her belly 




Nova Albion. 

Gold and 
Silver in the 
Earth of Nova 

Their depar- 
Hands in eight 
Canoas, like 
those of Java. 


abroad. The people eate their bodies, and make great 
account of their Skinnes, for their Kings Coat was made 
of them. Our Generall called this Countrey Nova Albion, 
and that for two causes : the one in respect of the white 
Bankes and Cliffes, which lye towards the Sea : and the 
other, because it might have some affinitie with our Coun- 
trey in name, which sometimes was so called. There is 
no part of Earth here to be taken up, wherein there is not 
some probable shew of Gold or Silver. 

At our departure hence, our Generall set up a Monu- 
ment of our being there, as also of her Majesties Right 
and Title to the same, namely, a Plate, nayled upon a 
faire great Poste, whereupon was engraven her Majesties 
Name, the day and yeere of our arrivall there, with the 
free giving up of the Province and People into her Majes- 
ties hands, together with her Highnesse Picture and Armes, 
in a piece of six pence of currant English Money, under 
the Plate, whereunder was also written the Name of our 
Generall. It seemeth, that the Spaniards hitherto had 
never beene in this part of the Countrey : neyther did 
ever discover the Land, by many degrees, to the South- 
wards of this place. 

After wee had set sayle from hence, wee continued with- 
out sight of Land till the thirteenth day of October follow- 
ing ; which day in the morning wee fell with certaine 
Hands, eight degrees to the Northward of the Line : from 
which, came a great number of Canoas, having in some of 
them foure, in some six, and in some also foureteene men, 
bringing with them Cocos, and other Fruits. Their 
Canoas were hollow within, and cut with great art and 
cunning, being very smooth within and without, and bear- 
ing a glosse, as if it were a Home daintily burnished, 
having a Prowe and a Sterne of one sort, yeelding inward 
Circle-wise, being of a great height, and fUll of certaine 
white shells, for a braverie, and on each side of them lye 
out two pieces of Timber, about a yard and a halfe long, 
more or lesse, according to the smalnesse or bignesse of 
the Boat. This people have the nether part of their Eares 



cut into a round Circle, hanging downe very lowe upon 
their cheekes, whereon they hang things of a reasonable 
weight. The Nayles of their Hands are an ynch long, 
their Teeth are as blacke as Pitch, and they renew them 
often, by eating of an Herbe with a kind of powder, which 
they alwayes carry about them in a Cane for the same 

Leaving this Hand the Night after wee fell with it, the Hands. 
eighteenth of October wee lighted upon divers others, 
some whereof made a great shew of Inhabitants. Wee 
continued our course by the Hands of Tagulada, Zelon, 
and Zewarra, being friends to the Portugals, the first 
whereof hath growing in it great store of Cinnamome. 

The foureteenth of November wee fell with the Hands of November. 
Molucca : Which day at night (having directed our course 
to runne with Tydore) in coasting along the Hand of 
Mutyr, belonging to the King of Ternate, his Deputie or 
Vice-King seeing us at Sea, came with his Canoa to us, 
without all feare, and came aboord, and after some con- 
ference with our Generall, willed him in any wise to runne 
in with Ternate, and not with Tydore, assuring him, that ^■^^ ^^^ 'f 
the King would be glad of his comming, and would be -''^''"'''^• 
readie to doe what hee would require ; for which purpose, 
he himselfe would that night be with the King, and tell 
him the newes : with whom if hee once dealt, hee should 
find, that as hee was a King, so his word should stand. 
Adding further, that if hee went to Tydore before hee 
came to Ternate, the King would have nothing to doe 
with us, because hee held the Portugall as his enemie. 
Whereupon our Generall resolved to runne with Ternate, 
where the next morning early wee came to anchor ; at 
which time our Generall sent a Messenger to the King 
with a Velvet Cloke for a present, and token of his com- 
ming to be in peace, and that hee required nothing but 
TraflSque and exchange of Marchandize, whereof hee had 
good store, in such things as hee wanted. 

In the meane time, the Vice-King had beene with the [I. ii. 55.] 
King, according to his promise, signifying unto him 




what good things hee might receive from us by Traffique : 
Whereby the King was mooved with great liking towards 
us, and sent to our Generall with speciall message, that 
hee should have what things hee needed, and would re- 
quire with peace and friendship : and moreover that hee 
The King of would yeeld himselfe, and the right of his Hand, to be at 
ff^'^h h' ^'^ pleasure and commandement of so famous a Prince as 
selfe and his ^^^ served. In token whereof, hee sent to our Generall a 
Kingdome to Signet, and within short time after, came in his owne 
the service of person, with Boats and Canoas, to our shippe, to bring 
'^fF"Z"d '' ^"*^° ^ better and safer Road then shee was in at that 

J ^^ ^ ' present. Our Generals Messenger being come to the 
Court, was met by certaine Noble Personages with great 
solemnitie, and brought to the King, at whose hands hee 
was most friendly and graciously entertained. 
The great and The King purposing to come to our shippe, sent before 

strangeCanoas fo^^j-e ereat and large Canoas, in every one whereof, were 
of the Kmgof .°^,. ° „' ,•' , ,. 

Ternate. certame or his greatest States that were about him, 

attyred in white Lawne, of Cloth of Calicut, having over 

their heads, from the one end of the Canoa to the other, a 

Covering of thinne perfumed Mats, borne up with a 

Frame made of Reedes for the same use, under which, 

every one did sit in his order, according to his dignitie, to 

keepe him from the heat of the Sunne, divers of whom 

being of good age and gravitie, did make an ancient and 

fatherly shew. There were also divers young and comely 

men, attyred in white, as were the others : the rest were 

Souldiers, which stood in comely order, round about on 

both sides ; without whom, sate the Rowers in certaine 

Galleries, which being three on a side, all along the Canoas, 

did lye off from the side thereof three or foure yards, one 

being orderly builded lower then another, in every of 

which Galleries were the number of fourescore Rowers. 

These Canoas were furnished with warlike Munition, 

every man for the most part having his Sword and Tar- 

guet, with his Dagger, beside other Weapons, as Launces, 

Calivers, Darts, Bowes and Arrowes : also, every Canoa 

had a small cast Base, mounted at the least one full Yard 



upon a stocke set upright. Thus comming neere our ship, 
in order they rowed about us, one after another, and pass- 
ing by, did their homage with great solemnitie, the great 
Personages beginning with great gravitie and fatherly 
countenances, signifying, that the King had sent them to 
conduct our shippe into a better Roade. 

Soone after, the King himselfe repayred, accompanied 
with six grave and ancient persons, who did their obeys- 
ance with marvellous humilitie. The King was a man of 
tall stature, and seemed to be much delighted with the 
sound of our Musike ; to whom, as also to his Nobilitie, 
our Generall gave presents, wherewith they were passing 
well contented. 

At length, the King craved leave of our Generall to 
depart, promising the next day to come aboord, and in the 
meane time to send us such Victuals as were necessarie for 
our provision : So that the same Night wee received of 
them Meale, which they call Sagu, made of the tops of 
certaine Trees, tasting in the mouth like sowre Curds, but 
melteth like Sugar, whereof they make certaine Cakes, 
which may be kept the space of tenne yeeres, and yet 
then good to be eaten. Wee had of them store of Rice, 
Hennes, unperfect and liquid Sugar, Sugar Canes, and a 
Fruit which they call Figo, with store of Cloves. 

The King having promised to come aboord, brake his 
promise, but sent his brother to make his excuse, and to 
entreat our Generall to come on shore, offering himselfe 
pawne aboord for his safe returne. Whereunto our 
Generall consented not, upon mislike conceived of the 
breach of his promise, the whole company also utterly 
refusing it. But to satisfie him, our Generall sent certaine 
of his Gentlemen to the Court, to accompany the Kings 
brother, reserving the Vice-King for their safe returne. 
They were received of another brother of the Kings, and 
other States, and were conducted with great honour to the 
Castle. The place that they were brought unto, was a 
large and faire House, where were at the least a thousand 
persons assembled. 




The King of 
Ternate came 
to visite Sir 

Sagu, a kind 
of Meale. 

A Castle in 



The King being yet absent, there sate in their places 
threescore grave Personages, all which were said to be of 
the Kings Councell. There were besides foure grave 
persons, apparrelled all in Red, downe to the ground, and 
attyred on their heads like the Turkes, and these were said 
* The Turkes to be * Romans, and Liegers there, to keepe continual! 
TJ/tiZk""' Traffique with the people of Ternate. There were also 
which ts called *^^° Turkes Liegers in this place, and one Italian. 
New Rome. The King at last came in, guarded with twelve Launces, 

covered over with a rich Canopie, embossed with Gold. 
Our men, accompanied with one of their Captaines, called 
Moro, rising to meet him, hee graciously did welcome, and 
entertaine them. Hee was attyred after the manner of 
the Countrey, but more sumptuously then the rest. From 
The Majestie his Waste downe to the ground, was all Cloth of Gold, 
"* ' ' '"^' and the same very rich : his legges were bare, but on his 
feet were a payre of shooes, made of Cordovant skinne. 
In the attyre of his head were finely wreathed hooped 
Rings of Gold, and about his necke hee had a Chayne of 
perfect Gold, the Links whereof were great, and one-fold 
double. On his fingers hee had six very faire Jewels : and 
sitting in his Chayre of Estate, at his right hand stood a 
Page with a Fanne in his hand, breathing and gathering 
the ayre to the King. The Fanne was in length two foot, 
[I. ii. 56.] and in bredth one foot, set with eight Saphyres, richly 
embroydered, and knit to a stafFe three foot in length, by 
the which the Page did hold, and moove it. Our Gentle- 
men having delivered their Message, and received order 
accordingly, were licenced to depart, being safely con- 
ducted backe againe by one of the Kings Councell. 
Ternate the This Hand is the chiefest of all the Hands of Molucca, 

'^l^fi'toftf^e and the King hereof is King of seventie Hands besides. 

NlqIuccci Lies . P • ^ 

The King with his people are Mores in Religion, observ- 
ing certaine new Moones, with fastings ; during which 
Fasts, they neyther eat nor drinke in the day, but in the 

After that our Gentlemen were returned, and that wee 
had here, by the favour of the King, received all necessarie 



things that the place could yeeld us: our Generall con- 
sidering the great distance, and how farre hee was yet off 
from his Countrey ; thought it not best here to linger the 
time any longer ; but weighing his anchors, set out of the 
Hand, and sayled to a certaine little Hand, to the South- ^ ^i"'^ '^^""'^ 
wards of Celebes, where wee graved our shippe, and con- ^^'^J J"' " 
tinued there, in that and other businesses, six and twentie Celebes. 
dayes. This Hand is throughly growne with Wood, of 
a large and high growth, very straight, and without 
Boughes, save onely in the head or top, whose Leaves are 
not much differing from our Broome in England. 
Amongst these Trees, night by night, through the whole 
Land, did shew themselves an infinite swarme of fierie Fierle Worms. 
Wormes flying in the Ayre, whose bodies being no bigger 
then our common English Flyes, make such a shew and 
light, as if every Twigge or Tree had beene a burning 
Candle. In this place breedeth also wonderfuU store of 
Bats, as bigge as large Hennes. Of Cray-fishes also here *"'•'• 
wanted no plentie, and they of exceeding bignesse, one ^"y-J" "• 
whereof was sufficient for foure hungry stomackes at a 
Dinner, being also very good, and restoring meat, whereof 
wee had experience : and they digge themselves holes in 
the Earth like Conies. 

When wee had ended our businesse here, wee weighed, 
and set sayle to runne for the Molucca's : but having at 
that time a bad Winde, and being amongst the Hands, 
with much difficultie wee recovered to the Northward of 
the Hand of Celebes ; where, by reason of contrarie 
Windes, not able to continue our course, to runne West- 
wards, wee were inforced to alter the same to the South- 
ward againe, finding that course also to be very hard and 
dangerous for us, by reason of infinite shoalds, which lye 
off and among the Hands : whereof wee had too much 
tryall, to the hazard and danger of our shippe and lives. 
For upon the ninth of January, in the yeere 1579. wee Janmrte,in 
ranne suddenly upon a Rocke, where wee stucke fast from ^""^ '579- 
eight of the clocke at night, till foure of the clocke in the 
afternoone the next day, being indeed out of all hope to 

" ?45 K 


Their danger 
upon a Rocke. 


The helpe of a 
Current In the 


Linnen Cloth 
good Mar- 


escape the danger. But our Generall, as hee had alwayes 
hitherto shewed himselfe couragious, and of a good con- 
fidence in the mercie and protection of God ; so now hee 
continued in the same: and lest hee should seeme to 
perish wilfially, both hee and wee did our best endevour 
to save our selves, which it pleased God so to blesse, that 
in the end wee cleared our selves most happily of the 
danger. Wee lighted our shippe upon the Rockes, of 
three Tunne of Cloves, eight Peeces of Ordenance, and 
certaine Meale and Beanes : And then the Winde (as it 
were in a moment, by the speciall grace of God) changing 
from the Starboord to the Larboord of the shippe, wee 
hoysed our sayles, and the happie gale drove our shippe 
off the Rocke into the Sea againe, to the no little comfort 
of all our hearts : for which wee gave God such prayse and 
thankes, as so great a benefit required. 

The eight of February following, wee fell with the 
fruitfiill Hand of Barateve, having in the meane time 
suffered many dangers by Windes and Shoalds. The 
people of this Hand are comely in body and stature, and of 
a civill behaviour, just in dealing, and courteous to 
strangers, whereof wee had the experience sundry wayes; 
they being most glad of our presence, and very ready to 
relieve our wants, in those things which their Countrey 
did yeeld. The Men goe naked, saving their heads and 
privities, every man having something or other hanging 
at their eares. Their Women are covered from the middle 
downe to the foot, wearing a great number of Bracelets 
upon their armes, for some had eight upon each arme, 
being made some of Bone, some of Home, and some of 
Brasse, the lightest whereof, by our estimation, weighed 
two ounces apeece. 

With this people, Linnen Cloth is good Marchandize, 
and of good request, whereof they make RoUs for their 
heads, and Girdles to weare about them. Their Hand is 
both rich, and fruitfull : rich in Gold, Silver, Copper, and 
Sulphur ; wherein they seeme skilfuU and expert, not 
onely to fie the same, but in working it also artificially 




into any forme and fashion that pleaseth them. Their 

Fruits be divers, and plentiful!, as Nutmegs, Ginger, long tji^tmegs md 

Pepper, Limons, Cucumbers, Cocos, Fieu, Sagu, with °_"^ . ^^^f 
rr ' ' ' 1, , ' ° 11 grotutng tn 

divers other sorts : and among all the rest, wee had one Barateve. 

Fruit, in bignesse, forme, and huske, like a Bay-berry, 

hard of substance, and pleasant of taste, which being 

sodden, becommeth soft, and is a most good and holesome 

Victuall, whereof wee tooke reasonable store, as wee did 

also of the other Fruits and Spices. So that to confesse a Commendation 

truth, since the time that wee first set out of our owne 'ft^'^f^^^ 

Countrey of England, wee happened upon no place (Ter- 

nate onely excepted) wherein wee found more comforts 

and better meanes of refireshing. 

At our departure from Barateve, we set our course for [I. ii. 57.] 
Java major, where arriving, wee found great courtesie, Java Major. 
and honourable entertainment. This Island is governed 
by five Kings, whom they call Rajah : as Rajah Donaw, 
and Rajah Mang Bange, and Rajah CabuccapoUo, which 
live as having one Spirit, and one Minde. Of these five 
we had foure a ship-boord at once, and two or three often. 
They are wonderfully delighted in coloured clothes, as Redl^ Greene 
Red and Greene : the upper parts of their bodies are '^f" T'' 
naked, save their heads, whereupon they weare a Turkish 
roll, as doe the Maluccians : from the middle downeward 
they weare a Pintado of silke, trailing upon the ground, 
in colour as they best like. The Maluccians hate that 
their Women should bee seene of Strangers : but these 
offer them of high courtesie, yea the Kings themselves. 
The people are of goodly stature, and warlike, well pro- '^^^ manners 
vided of Swords and Targets, with Daggers, all being of "{^^'/"^^'"-^ 
their owne worke, and most artificially done, both in 
tempering their metall, as also in the forme, whereof we 
bought reasonable store. They have an house in every 
Village for their common assembly : every day they 
meete twise, Men, Women, and Children, bringing with 
them such victuals as they thinke good, some Fruits, 
some Rice boiled, some Hens rosted, some Sagu, having 
a Table made three foote from the ground, whereon they 




A strange 
fashion of howl- 
ing Rice. 

The Trench 

This rather is 
to be imputed 
to varietie of 

Sierra Leona. 



set their meate, that every person sitting at the Table 
may eate, one rejoycing in the company of another. 
They boile their Rice in an earthen pot, made in forme 
of a Sugar loafe, being full of holes, as our pots which 
we water our gardens withall, and it is open at the great 
end, wherein they put their Rice drie, without any 
moisture. In the meane time they have readie another 
great earthen pot, set fast in a furnace, boiling full of 
water, whereinto they put their pot with Rice, by such 
measure, that they swelling become soft at the first, and 
by their swelling stopping the holes of the pot, admit 
no more water to enter, but the more they are boiled, 
the harder and more firme substance they become, so 
that in the end they are a firme and good bread, of the 
which with Oyle, Butter, Sugar, and other Spices, they 
make divers sorts of meates very pleasant of taste, and 
nourishing to nature. The French pocks is here very 
common to all, and they helpe themselves, sitting naked 
from ten to two in the Sunne, whereby the venemous 
humour is drawne out. Not long before our departure, 
they told us, that not farre off there were such great 
Ships as ours, wishing us to beware : upon this our Cap- 
taine would stay no longer. 

From Java Major we sailed for the Cape of Good 
Hope, which was the first Land wee fell withall : neither 
did we touch with it, or any other Land, untill we came 
to Sierra Leona, upon the coast of Guinea : notwith- 
standing wee ran hard aboord the Cape, finding the report 
of the Portugals to be most false, who affirme, that it is 
the most dangerous Cape of the World, never without 
intolerable stormes and present danger to Travailers, 
which come neere the same. This Cape is a most stately 
thing, and the fairest Cape we saw in the whole Circum- 
ference of the Earth, and we passed by it the i8. of 
June. From thence we continued our course to Sierra 
Leona, on the coast of Guinea, where we arrived the 
22. of July, and found necessarie provisions, great store 
of Elephants, Oisters upon trees of one kinde, spawning 



and increasing infinitely, the Oister suffering no bud to 
grow. We departed thence the 24. day. 

Wee arrived in England the third of November 1580. 
being the third yeere of our departure. 



Chap. nil. 

The third Circum-Navigation of the Globe : Or 
the admirable and prosperous voyage of Master 
Thomas Candish of Trimley in the Countie of 
SufFolke Esquire, into the South Sea, and from 
thence round about the circumference of the 
whole Earth, begun in the yeere of our Lord 
1586. and finished 1588. Written by Master 
Francis Pretty lately of Ey in SufFolke, a 
Gentleman employed in the same action, pub- 
lished by Master Hakluyt, and now corrected 
and abbreviated. 

E departed out of Plimmouth on Thurs- 
day the 21. of July 1586. with three saile, 
to wit, The Desire, a ship of one hun- 
dred and twentie Tunnes, the Content of 
threescore Tunnes, and the Hugh Gallant, 
a Barke of fortie Tunnes : in which small 
Fleetewere one hundred and twentie three 
persons of all sorts, with all kinde of furniture and victuals 
sufficient, for the space of two yeeres, at the charges of 
the worshipftiU Master Thomas Candish of Trimley in 
the Countie of Suffolke Esquire, being our Generall. 

The three and twentieth of August, we put roome for 
Sierra Leona, and the five and twentieth day we fell with Sierra Leona. 
the Point on the South side of Sierra Leona, which Master 
Brewer knew very well, and went in before with the Con- 
tent, which was Vice-admirall : and we had no lesse then [I. ii. 58.] 
five fathoms water when wee had least, and had for forteene 
leagues in Southwest all the way running into the Har- 




Two Buffes. 
Their depar- 
ture from 
Sierra Leona. 

The lies of 
inhabited by 

A Totane. 
Fresh water. 


bour of Sierra Leona, sixteene, fourteene, twelve, ten, and 
eight fathoms of water. We spoiled here a Towne of 
the Negro's, which killed one of our men with a poysoned 

The third day of September, divers of our Fleete went 
up foure miles within the Harbour with our Boate, and 
caught great store of fish, and went on shore and tooke 
Limmons from the Trees, and comming aboord againe, 
saw two BufFes. The sixt day wee departed from Sierra 
Leona, and went out of the Harbour, and stayed one 
Tyde three leagues from the Point of the mouth of the 
Harbour in sixe fathoms, and it floweth South Southwest. 
On Wednesday, being the seventh of the same moneth, 
we departed from one of the lies of Cape Verde, alias, the 
lies of Madrabumba, which is ten leagues distant from 
the Point of Sierra Leona : and about five of the clocke 
the same night we anchored two miles off the Hand in sixe 
fathoms water, and landed the same night, and found 
Plantans onely upon the Hand. 

The eight day one of our Boats went out and sounded 
round about the Hand, and they passed through a sound 
at the West end of the Hand, where they found five 
fathoms round about the Hand, untill they came unto the 
very gut of the sound, and then for a cast or two they 
had but two fathoms, and presently after sixe fathoms, 
and so deeper and deeper. And at the East end of the 
Hand there was a Towne, where Negro's doe use at some- 
times, as we perceived by their provision. 

There is no fresh water on all the South side, as we 
could perceive, but on the North side three or foure very 
good places of fresh water : and all the whole Hand is a 
Wood, save certaine little places where their houses stand, 
which are invironed round about with Plantan-trees, 
whereof the fruit is excellent meate. This place is sub- 
ject marvailous much to Thunder, Raine, and Lightning in 
this moneth. I thinke the reason is, because the Sunne is 
so neere the line Equinoctiall. On Saterday the tenth, we 
departed from the said Hand about three of the clocke in 



the afternoone, the winde being at the Southwest. The 

last of October running West Southwest about foure October. 

and twentie leagues from Cape Frio in Brasile, wee fell Cape Frio in 

with a great Mountayne which had an high round knop '"" ' 

on the top of it, standing from it like a Towne, with two 

little Hands from it. 

The first of November we went in betweene the Hand November. 
of Saint Sebastian and the mayne Land and had our S.Sebastimis 
things on shore, and set up a Forge, and had our Caske on "" " 
shore : our Coopers made Hoopes, and so wee remayned 
there untill the three and twentieth day of the same 
moneth : in which time we fitted our things, built our 
Pinnace, and filled our fresh water. 

The sixteenth day of December we fell with the Coast December. 
of America in 47. degrees J. the Land bearing West 
from us about sixe leagues off : from which place wee 
ranne along the shore, untill we came into fortie and eight 48. Degrees. 
degrees. It is a steepe beach all along. The seven- 
teenth in the afternoone we entred into an Harbour, 
where our Admirall went in first : wherefore our General! 
named the said Harbour, Port Desire : in which Har- Port Desire. 
bour is an Hand or two, where there is wonderfull great 
store of Seales, and another Hand of Birds which are gray ^^"^1' ""^^ 
Guls. This Harbour is a very good place to trim ships ^^"S"''"'- 
in, and to bring them on ground, and grave them in : for 
there ebbeth and floweth much water : therefore wee 
graved and trimmed all our ships there. Here a Man ^% <f" '^^^ 
and a Boy in washing their clothes at a Pit, were hurt by ^"^ "'"" '^^"' 
the Savages arrowes, which are made of Canes, headed 
with flints. They are very wilde. We tooke the 
measure of one of their feete, and it was eighteene inches ^ ki^de of 
long. Their use is when any of them die, to bring him '^"''' 
or them to the ClifFes by the Sea-side, and upon the top 
of them they burie them, and in their graves are buried 
with them their Bowes and Arrowes, and all their Jewels 
which they have in their life time, which are fine shells 
which they finde by the Sea side, which they cut and square 
after an artificiall manner ; and all is laid under their 




Their depar- 
ture from Port 


[I. ii. 59.] 

They enter the 
Straits the 6. 
of January. 
A Spaniard 
taken in the 
Straits of 


heads. The grave is made all with great stones of great 
length and bignesse, being set all along full of the dead 
mans Darts which he used when he was living. And 
they colour both their Darts and their Graves with a red 
colour which they use in colouring of themselves. The 
eight and twentieth of December we departed out of the 
Port of Desire, and went to an Hand which lyeth three 
leagues to the Southward of it ; where we trimmed oxir 
saved Pengwins with salt for victuall all that and the next 
day, and departed along the Coast Southwest and by 

The thirtieth day wee fell with a Rocke which lyeth 
about five leagues from the Land, much like unto Edie- 
stone, which lyeth off the sound of Plimmouth, and we 
sounded, and had eight fathoms rockie ground, within a 
mile thereof : the Rocke bearing West Southwest. Wee 
went coasting along South Southwest, and found great 
store of Seales all along the Coast. This Rocke standeth 
in 48. degrees J. to the Southward of the Line. The 
second day of Januarie we fell with a very faire white 
Cape, which standeth in 52. degrees, and had seven 
fathoms water a league of the Land. The third day of 
the foresaid moneth wee fell with another great white 
Cape, which standeth in 52. degrees and 45. minutes: 
from which Cape there runneth a low beach about a league 
to the Southward, and this beach reacheth to the opening 
of the dangerous Streight of Magellan, which is in divers 
places five or sixe leagues wide, and in two severall places 
more narrow. Under this Cape wee anchored, and lost 
an anchor, for it was a great storme of foule Weather, and 
lasted three dayes very dangerous. 

The sixt day wee put in for the Straits. The seventh 
day, betweene the mouth of the Straits and the narrowest 
place thereof, wee tooke a Spaniard whose name was Her- 
nando, who was there with three and twentie Spaniards 
more, which were all that remained of foure hundred, 
which were left there three yeeres before in these Straits 
of Magellan, all the rest being dead with famine. And 



the same day wee passed through the narrowest of the 
Straits, where the aforesaid Spaniard shewed us the Hull of 
a small Barke, which wee judged to be a Barke called The 
John Thomas. It is from the mouth of the Straits unto 
the narrowest of the Straits, foureteene leagues, and the 
course lyeth West and by North. The mouth of the 
Straits standeth in two and fiftie degrees. From the nar- 
rowest of the Straits unto Pengwin Iland, is tenne leagues, 
and lyeth West Southwest somewhat to the Southward, 
where wee anchored the eight day, and killed and salted 
great store of Pengwins for Victuals. 

The ninth day wee departed from Pengwin Iland, and 
ranne South Southwest to King Philips Citie, which the 
Spaniards had built : which Towne or Citie had foure 
Forts, and every Fort had in it one cast Peece, which 
Peeces were buryed in the ground ; the Carriages were 
standing in their places unburyed : wee digged for them, 
and had them all. They had contrived their Citie very 
well, and seated it in the best place of the Straits for Wood 
and Water : They had builded up their Churches by them- 
selves : They had Lawes very severe among themselves, 
for they had erected a Gibbet, whereon they had done 
execution upon some of their companie. It seemed unto 
us, that their whole living for a great space was altogether 
upon Muskles and Lympits ; for there was not any thing 
else to be had, except some Deere which came out of the 
Mountaines downe to the fresh Rivers to drinke. These 
Spaniards which were there, were onely come to fortifie 
the Straits, to the end that no other Nation should have 
passage through into the South Sea, saving onely their 
owne : but as it appeared, it was not Gods will so to have 
it. For during the time that they were there, which was 
two yeeres at the least, they could never have any thing to 
growe, or in any wise prosper. And on the other side, 
the Indians oftentimes preyed upon them, untiU their Vic- 
tuals grew so short (their store being spent which they had 
brought with them out of Spaine, and having no meanes 
to renew the same) that they died like Dogges in their 




The Barke 
John Thomas, 
one of Sir 
Drakes Con- 

King Philips 
Citie left deso- 
late in the 
Straits of 
which our 
called. Port 

God enemy to 
the Spaniards 
which would 
entayle the 
wide world in 
the East and 



Houses, and in their Clothes, wherein we found them still 
at our comming, untill that in the end the Towne being 
wonderfully taynted with the smell and the savour of the 
dead people, the rest which remayned alive were driven to 
burie such things as they had there in their Towne either 
for provision or for furniture, and so to forsake the Towne, 
and to goe along the Sea-side, and seeke their Victuals, 
to preserve them from sterving, taking nothing with them, 
but every man his Harquebuze and his furniture that was 
able to carry it (for some were not able to carry them for 
weakenesse) and so lived for the space of a yeere and more, 
with Rootes, Leaves, and sometimes a Fowle, which they 
might kill with their Peece. To conclude, they were 
determined to have travelled towards the River of Plate, 
onely three and twentie persons being left alive, whereof 
two were Women, which were the remainder of foure 
hundred. In this place wee watred and wooded well and 
PortFaminein quietly. Our Generall named this Towne, Port Famine : 
S3, egreei. jj. gf^ndeth in 53. degrees by observation to the South- 

The foureteenth day wee departed from this place, and 

ranne South Southwest, and from thence Southwest unto 

CapeFroward Cape Froward, five Leagues West Southwest: Which 

'»S+- egrees. Q^pe is the Southermost part of all the Straits, and 

standeth in the latitude of 54. degrees. From which Cape 

wee ranne West and by North five Leagues, and put into 

a Bay or Cove on the South side, which wee called 

Muskle-Cove. Muskle-Cove, because there were great store of them: 

wee ridde therein sixe dayes, the Wind being still 


The one and twentieth day wee departed from Muskle- 
Cove, and went Northwest and by West tenne Leagues, 
to a very faire sandie Bay on the North side, which ovir 
Generall called Elizabeth Bay. 
Elizabeth Xhe two and twentieth wee departed from Elizabeth 

''^' Bay in the afternoone, and went about two Leagues from 

that place, where there was a fresh Water River, where 
our Generall went up with the shippe-boat about three 




miles : Which River hath very good and pleasant ground 

about it, and it is lowe and champion Soyle, and so wee 

saw none other ground else in all the Straits, but that was 

craggie Rockes and monstrous high Hills and Moun- 

taines. In this River are great store of Savages, which 

wee saw, and had conference with them : They were Men- i^^^^l^l'^ 

eaters, and fedde altogether upon rawe flesh, and other Savages that 

filthie foode : Which people had preyed upon some of the ever were 

Spaniards before spoken of ; for they had gotten Knives '^ene. 

and pieces of Rapiers to make Darts of. They used all 

the meanes they could possibly to have allured us up 

farther into the River, of purpose to have betrayed us : 

Which being espyed by our Generall, hee caused us to 

shoote at them with our Harquebuzes, whereby wee 

killed many of them. So wee sayled from this River 

to the Channell of Saint Jerome, which is two Leagues g/saint"^" 

oft . Jerome. 

From the River of Saint Jerome about three or foure [I. ii. 60.] 
Leagues, wee ranneWest unto a Cape which is on the North 
side : and from that Cape unto the mouth of the Straits 
the course lyeth Northwest and by West, and Northwest. 
Betweene which place and the mouth of the Straits to the 
Southward, wee lay in Harborough untill the three and 
twentieth of February, by reason of contrary Windes and February, 
most vile and filthie foule Weather, with such Raine and '^Sy- 
vehement stormie Windes which came downe from the 
Mountaines and high HiUs, that they hazarded the best 
Cables and Anchors that wee had for to hold, which if they 
had fayled, wee had beene in great danger to have beene 
cast away, or at the least famished. For during this time, 
which was a full moneth, wee fedde almost altogether upon 
Muskles, and Limpits, and Birds, or such as wee could 
get on shore, seeking every day for them, as the Fowles of 
the ayre doe, where they can finde foode, in continuall 
raynie Weather. There is at every mile or two miles end 
an Harborough on both sides of the Land. And there are 
betweene the River of Saint Jerome and the mouth of the 
Straits, going into the South Sea, about foure and thirtie 


The Straits of 
Magellan are 
about 90. 
leagues long. 
The Westeme 
mouth of the 
Straits is In 
52. degrees 
and z. terces. 

entrance into 
the South Sea 
the z^. of 
Hands in the 
South Sea, 
called Las 
March i. 

danger of the 
by a great 

The He of 
Mocha in 38. 
degrees, not 
subject to the 

Arauco is the 
the South Sea 
for Gold, and 
is not subdued 
by the Spani- 
ards as yet. 


Leagues by estimation. So that the length of the whole 
Straits is about ninetie Leagues. And the said mouth of 
the Straits standeth in the same height that the entrance 
standeth in when wee passe out of the North Sea, which is 
about two and fiftie degrees and two terces to the South- 
ward of the Line. 

The foure and twentieth day of February wee entred 
into the South Sea : and on the South side of the going 
out of the Straits, is a faire high Cape, with a lowe Point 
adjoyning unto it. And on the North side are foure or 
five Hands, which lye sixe Leagues off the Mayne, and 
much broken and sunken ground about them : by Noone 
the same day, wee had brought these Hands East of us, 
five Leagues off ; the Winde being then Southerly. 

The first of March a storme tooke us at North : which 
Night the shippes lost the companie of the Hugh Gallant, 
being in nine and fortie degrees, and one second, and five 
and fortie Leagues from the Land. This storme con- 
tinued three or foure dayes : and for that time wee in the 
Hugh Gallant being separated from the other two shippes, 
looked every houre to sinke, our Barke was so leake, and 
our selves so dilvered and weakened with freeing it of 
Water, that wee slept not in three Dayes and three 

The fifteenth day, in the Morning, the Hugh Gallant 
came in betweene the Hand of Saint Mary and the Mayne, 
where shee met with the Admirall and the Content, which 
had rid at the Hand called La Mocha two dayes, which 
standeth in the Southerly latitude of eight and thirtie de- 
grees : At which place, some of our men went on shore 
with the Vice-Admirals Boat, where the Indians fought 
with them with their Bowes and Arrowes, and were mar- 
vellous warie of their Calivers. These Indians were 
enemies to the Spaniards, and belonged to a great place 
called Arauco, and tooke us for Spaniards, as afterward 
wee learned. This place which is called Arauco, is 
wonderfuU rich, and full of Gold Mynes : and yet could 
it not be subdued at any time by the Spaniards, but they 



alwayes returned with the greatest losse of men. For these 
Indians are. desperate and carelesse of their lives, to live 
at their owne libertie and freedome. 

In the after-noone wee weighed anchor, and ranne under 
the West side of Saint Mary Hand, where wee ridde very 
well in sixe fathomes Water, and very faire ground all 
that Night. 

The sixteenth day our Generall went on shore himselfe 
with seventie or eightie men, every one with his furni- 
ture : There came downe to us certaine Indians, with two 
which were the Principals of the Hand, to welcome us on 
shore, thinking wee had beene Spaniards, for it is subdued 
by them ; who brought us up to a place where the 
Spaniards had erected a Church, with Crosses and Altars 
in it. And there were about this Church two or three 
Store-houses, which were full of Wheat and Barley, ready 
threshed and made up in Cades of Strawe, to the quantitie 
of a Bushell of Corne in every Cade. The Wheat and 
Barley was as faire, as cleane, and every way as good as 
any wee have in England. There were also the like Cades 
full of Potato Rootes, which were very good to eate, 
ready made up in the Store-houses for the Spaniards, 
against they should come for their tribute. This Hand 
also yeeldeth many sorts of Fruits, Hogges, and Hennes. 
These Indians are held in such slaverie by them, that they 
dare not eate a Henne or an Hogge themselves. But the 
Spaniards have made them all in that Hand Christians. 
Thus wee fitted our selves here with Corne as much as 
wee would have, and as many Hogges as wee had Salt to 
powder them withall, and great store of Hennes, with a 
number of Bagges of Potato Rootes, and about five hun- 
dred dried Dogge-fishes, and Guinie Wheat, which is 
called Maiz. And having taken as much as wee would 
have, yet wee left great store behind us. Our Generall 
had the two Principals of the Hand aboord our shippe, 
and provided great cheare for them, and made them merry 
with Wine : and they in the end perceiving us to be no 
Spaniards, made signes, as neere as our Generall could per- 




S. Mary Hand 
in 37. degrees 
and I. terce, 
which is sub- 
dued to the 

A Church 
with Crosses 
and Altars. 

The Indians of 
S.Mary Hand 
made all 


Arotuo rich in 

[I. ii. 61.J 

The Concep- 

degfees 50. 

Our men 
miles into their 
enemies land. 


ceive, that if wee would goe over unto the maine Land, 
unto Arauco that there was much Gold, making us signes, 
that wee should have great store of Riches. But because 
wee could not understand them, our Generall made some 
haste, and within two or three dayes wee furnished our 

The eighteenth day in the morning we departed from 
this place, and ran all that day North-northeast, about 
tenne leagues, and at night lay with a short sayle off and 
on the coast. The nineteenth we ranne in East Northeast 
with the land, and bare in with a place called The Concep- 
tion, where we anchored under an Hand, and departed the 
next morning without going on land. The twentieth, 
wee departed from The Conception, and went into a little 
Baye which was sandie, where we saw fresh water and 
cattell, but we stayed not there. The thirtieth day, we 
came into the Baye of Quintero, which standeth in thirty 
three degrees, and fiftie minutes. Here Fernando the 
Spaniard, contrary to his oath, forsooke us. 

The last of March, Captaine Havers went up into the 
Country, with fiftie or sixtie men with their shot and 
furniture with them, and we travelled seven or eight miles 
into the land : and as we were marching along, we espied 
a number of herds of cattell, of kine and bullockes, which 
were wonderfuU wilde : we saw great store of horses, 
mares, and coltes which were very wilde and unhandled: 
there is also great store of hares and conies, and plenty of 
partriges and other wild-fowles. The countrey is very 
fruitfuU with faire fresh rivers, all along full of wild- 
fowle of all sorts. Having travailed so farre that we 
could go no further for the monstrous high mountaines, 
we rested our selves at a very faire fresh River, running in 
and alongst faire low medowes at the foote of the moun- 
taines, where every man drunke of the River, and 
refreshed themselves. Having so done, we returned to 
our Ships the likest way that we thought their Towne 
should be : so we travailed all the day long, not seeing any 
man, but we mette with many wilde dogges : yet there 


were two hundred horsemen abroad that same day, by 
meanes of the Spaniard which they had taken the day 
before from us, who had told them that our force was but 
small, and that we were wonderful! weake : who though 
they did espie us that day, yet durst they not give the 
on-set upon us. For we marched along in array, and 
observed good order, whereby we seemed a great number 
more then we were, untill we came unto our ships that 
night againe. 

The next day being the first of Aprill, 1587. our men 
went on shoare to fill water at a pit which was a quarter 
of a mile from the water side ; and being early hard at 
their businesse, were in no readinesse. In which meane 
while, there came powring downe from the hilles almost 
two hundred horsemen, and before our people could 
returne to the rockes from the watering place, twelve of 
them were cut off, part killed, and part taken prisoners, 
the rest were rescued by our souldiers which came from the 
rockes to meete with them, who being but fifteen of us 
that had any weapons on shoare, yet we made the enemie 
retire in the ende with losse of some foure and twentie of 24. Spaniards 
their men, after we had skirmished with them an houre. '^'''"^• 
After the losse of these men, we rid in the roade, and 
watered in despight of them, with good watch and ward, 
untill the fift of the said moneth. 

The fift day we departed out of this bay of Quintero : 
and off from the bay there lieth a little Hand about a A little Hand 
league distant, whereon there are great store of Penguins, fi^^l ofPen- 
and other fowles ; whereof we tooke to serve our turnes, ^""'^" 
and sayled away North, and North and by West : for so 
lieth the coast along in this place. 

The fifteenth we came thwart of a place which is called 
Morro moreno, which standeth in 23. degrees i, and is an ^'>^''''> ^oreno 
excellent good harborough : and there is an Hand which Jj^'S^" 
maketh it an harborough : and a ship may goe in at either "* " 
end of the Hand : here we went with our Generall on shore 
to the number of thirty men : and at our going on shore 
upon our landing, the Indians of the place came downe 



Most artifi- 
cial/ boates. 

Tribute payd 
in fish. 

A harke taken, 
which they 
called The 
in 1%. degrees. 
31. minutes. 

A ship taken. 

[I. ii. 62.] 

of advise 


from the rockes to meete with us, with fresh water and 
wood on their backes. They are in marvellous awe of 
the Spaniards, and very simple people, and live savagely: 
For they brought us to their hidings about two miles from 
the harborough, where we saw their women and lodging, 
which is nothing but the skinne of some beast laid upon 
the ground : and over them in stead of houses, is nothing 
but five or sixe sticks laid acrosse, which stand upon two 
forkes with stickes on the ground, and a fewe boughes laid 
on it. Their diet is raw fish, which stinketh most vilely. 
And when any of them die, they burie their bowes and 
arrowes with them, with their Canoa, and all that they 
have : for we opened one of their graves, and saw the 
order of them. Their Canoas or boates are marvellous 
artificially made of two skinnes like unto bladders, and 
are blowne full at one ende with quilles : they have two of 
these bladders blowne full, which are sowen together, and 
made fast with the sinew of some wild beast ; which when 
they are in the water, swell, so that they are as tight as may 
be. They goe to sea in these boates, and catch very much 
fish with them, and pay much of it for tribute unto the 
Spaniards : but they use it beastly. 

The three and twentieth in the morning we tooke a 
small barke which came out of Arica road, which we kept 
and called The George : the men forsooke it, and went 
away with their boate. Our Admirals pinnesse followed 
the boate, and the Hugh Gallants boate tooke the barke : 
our Admirals pinnesse could not recover the boat before it 
got on shoare, but went along into the road of Arica, and 
laid aboord a great ship of an hundred tunnes riding in 
the road right afore the towne, but all the men and goods 
were gone out of it, onely the bare shippe was left alone. 
The twentie sixth day, after two other Barkes taken, wee 
departed. The twentie seaventh day wee tooke a small 
Barke, which came from Saint lago, neere unto Quintero, 
where we lost our men first. In this Barke was one 
George a Greeke, a reasonable pilot for all the coast of 




The third of May we came into a bay where are three T'he bay of 
little townes, which are called Paracca, Chincha, and Pisca, J'"^ '" ' 3' 
where some of us landed and tooke certain houses, wherein ' ^' 
was bread, wine, figs, and hennes : but the sea went so 
high, that we could not land at the best of the townes 
without sinking of our boats, and great hazard of us all. 
This place standeth in thirteene degrees and f, to the 
Southward of the line. 

The fift of May we departed from this harbour, leaving 
the Content our Vice-admirall within at an Hand of Seales, ^"J//""'^ °^ 
by which meanes at that time we lost her companie. 

The sixteenth we tooke with the Hugh Gallant, beeing 
but sixteene men of us in it, a great shippe which came ^^j^^^'^J'^^^ 
from Guaianil, which was called The Lewis, and was of ,^^^^ ^^^,, 
the burthen of three hundred tunnes, having fowre and kalfe an houres 
twentie men in it, wherein was pilot one Gonsalvo de fg^t. 
Ribas, whom we carried along with us, and a Negro called 
Emmanuel. The shippe was laden with nothing but 
timber and victualls : wherefore we left her seaven leagues 
from the land, very leake, and ready to sinke in seven ^^^"' ^^7" 
degrees to the Southward of the line : we sunke her boate j^tUn^g 
and tooke away her foresaile and certaine victualls. 

The seventeenth, we met with our Admirall againe, and ^^fj^'-^f " 
all the rest of our fleete. They had taken two ships, the t^oo rich ships 
one laden with sugar, Molosses, Maiz, Cordovan-skinnes, taken. 
Montego de Porco, many packes of Pintados, many Indian 
coates, and some marmalade, and a thousand hennes : and 
the other shippe was laden with wheat-meale, and boxes 
of marmalade. One of these shippes which had the cheife '^"^ f^^PP^ 
marchandize in it, was worth twenty thousand pounds, if ^^^^^^ 
it had beene in England, or in any other place of Christen- 
dome, where we might have sold it. We filled all our 
ships with as much as we could bestow of these goods : 
the rest we burnt, and the ships also ; and set the men and 
women that were not killed on shoare. 

The twentieth day in the morning, we came into the The bay of 
road of Paita, and beeing at an anchor, our Generall landed Paitain c,.de- 
with sixtie or seventie men, skirmished with them of the ^^" ^ """" 
II 161 L 



A new fort in 

The towne of 
Paita taken 
and burnt. 

25. pounds 
weight in 

The towne of 
Paita had 
200. houses in 

A barke set on 

The Island of 
Puna within 
I. degree the 
Equinoctiall to 
the South. 
A great Ship 


towne, and drave them all to flight to the top of the hill 
which is over the towne, except a few slaves and some 
other which were of the meaner sort, who were commanded 
by the governours to stay belowe in the towne, at a place 
which is in building for a fort, having with them a bloody 
ensigne, beeing in number about one hundred men. Now 
as we were roving betweene the ships and the shore, our 
gunner shot off a great peice out of one of the barkes, and 
the shot fell among them, and drave them to flie from the 
fort as fast as they might runne, who got them up upon an 
hill, and from thence shot among us with their small shot, 
After we were landed, and had taken the towne, we ran 
upon them, and chased them so fiercely up the hilles for 
the space of an houre, that we drave them in the ende 
away perforce, and beeing got up the hilles, we found 
where they had laid all their stuffe which they had brought 
out of the towne, and had hidden it there upon the moun- 
taines. We also found the quantitie of five and twenty 
pounds weight in silver, in peices of eight ryals, and abun- 
dance of houshold-stuffe, and store-houses full of all 
kind of wares : but our Generall would not suffer any 
man to carry much cloth or apparell away, because they 
should not cloy themselves with burthens : for he knew 
not whether our enemies were provided with ftirniture 
according to the number of their men ; for they were 
five men to one of us : and we had an English mile and 
a halfe to our ships. Thus we came downe in safetie to 
the towne, which was very well builded, and marvellous 
cleane kept in every street, with a towne-house or Guild- 
hall in the middest, and had to the number of two hundred 
houses at the least in it. We set it on fire to the ground, 
and goods to the value of five or sixe thousand pounds: 
there was also a Barke riding in the roade, which we set on 
fire, and departed, directing our coxirse to the Hand of 

The twentie five day of May, we arrived at the Hand 
of Puna, where is a very good harbour, where we found a 
great ship of the burthen of two hundred and fifty tunnes, 




Great store of 
cables made in 

riding at an anchor with all her forniture, which was readie 
to bee haled on ground : for there is a speciall good place 
for that purpose. We sunke it, and went on shore where 
the Lord of the Hand dwelt, which was by the waters side, 
who had a sumptuous house wel contrived, with many 
very singular good roomes and chambers in it : and out 
of every chamber was framed a gallerie, with a stately 
prospect into the sea on the one side, and into the Hand on 
the other side, with a great hall belowe, and a very great 
storehouse at the one ende of the hal, which was filled with 
Botijas of pitch and bash to make cables withall : for the 
most part of the cables in the South-sea, are made upon 
that Hand. This great Casique doth make all the Indians 
upon the Hand to worke and to drudge for him : and he 
himselfe is an Indian borne, but is married to a faire woman 
a Spaniard, by reason of his pleasant habitation, and great 

The twentie ninth day of May, our Generall went in 
the ship-boate into a little Hand thereby, whereas the said 
Casique which was the Lord of Puna, had caused all the 
hangings of his chambers, which were of Cordovan 
leather all guilded over, and painted very faire and rich, 
with all his houshold-stufFe, and all the ships tackling [I- "• 63-] 
which was riding in the road at our comming in, with great 
store of nailes, spikes of yron, and very many other things 
to be conveyed : all which wee found, and brought away 
what our Generall thought requisite for the shippes busi- 

A little Island 
neere unto 


This Hand is very pleasant for all things requisite, and 
fruitfuU : but there are no mines of gold nor silver in it. 
There are at the least two hundred houses in the towne 
about the Casiques pallace, and as many in one or two 
townes more upon the Hand, which is almost as bigge as 
the He of Wight in England. There is planted on the 
one side of the Casiques house, a faire garden, with all 
herbes growing in it, and at the lower ende a Well of 
fresh water, and round about it are trees set, whereon Cotton trees. 
bombasin cotton groweth after this manner : The tops of 


The Isle of 
Puna is almost 
as big as the 
Isle of Wight. 


An excellent 

The second 
graving of 
their ships. 

The second 
skirmish with 
the Spaniards. 

The chiefe 
towne in Puna 


the trees growe full of cods, out of which the cotton 
groweth, and in the cotton is a seede of the bignesse of a 
pease, and in every codde there are seven or eight of these 
seedes : and if the cotton be not gathered when it is ripe, 
then these seedes fall from it, and spring againe. There 
are also in this garden fig-trees which beare continually, 
also pompions, melons, cucumbers, radishes, rosemarie 
and thyme, with many other herbes and fruits. At the 
other end of the house there is also another Orchyard, 
where grow orenges sweete and sower, limmons, pome- 
granates and lymes, with divers other fruits. There is 
very good pasture ground in this Hand ; and withall 
many horses, oxen, bullocks, sheepe very fat and faire, 
great store of goates which be very tame, and are used 
continually to be milked. They have moreover abund- 
ance of pigeons, turkeys, and ducks of a marvellous big- 

There was also a very large and great Church hard by 
the Casiques house, whither hee caused all the Indians in 
the Hand to come and heare masse : for he himselfe was 
made a Christian when he was married to the Spanish 
woman before spoken of, and upon his conversion, hee 
caused the rest of his subjects to be Christened. In this 
Church was an high Altar with a Crucifixe, and five belles 
hanging in the nether ende thereof. We burnt the 
Church, and brought the bells away. By this time we had 
haled on ground our Admirall, and had made her cleane, 
burnt her keele, pitched and tarred her, and had haled her 
on flote againe. And in the meane while continually kept 
watch and ward in the great house both night and day. 

The second of June, an hundred Spaniards assailed us, 
whereby of our men were slaine, drowned, and taken 
twelve, of theirs wee slewe fortie sixe. The selfe same day 
we went on shore againe with seventie men, and had a 
fresh skirmish with the enemies, and drave them to retyre, 
being an hundred Spaniards serving with muskets, and two 
hundred Indians with bowes, arrowes, and darts. This 
done, we set fire on the Towne, and burnt it to the ground, 



having in it to the number of three hundred houses : and 
shortly after made havocke of their fields, orchyards, and 
gardens, and burnt foure great shipps more which were 
building on the stocks. The third, the Content which 
was our Vice-admirall was haled on ground, to grave at 
the same place in despight of the Spaniards : and also our 
Pinnesse which the Spaniards had burned, was newe 

The fift day of June we departed out of the roade of 
Puna, where wee had remained eleven dayes, and turned 
up for a place which is called Rio dolce, where we watered : 
at which place also we sunke our Rere-admirall, called 
The Hugh Gallant for want of men, being a barke of 
fortie tunnes. The tenth day of the same moneth, we 
set the Indians on shore, which wee had taken before in a 
Balsa, as we were comming into the road of Puna. The 
eleventh day we departed from the said Rio dolce. The 
twelft we doubled the Equinoctiall line, and continued 
our course Northward all that moneth. 

The first of July we had sight of the coast of Nueva 
Espanna, being foure leagues distant from land, in the 
latitude of tenne degrees to the Northward of the line. 
The ninth, we tooke a new ship of the burthen of an 
hundred and twentie tunnes, wherein was one Michael 
Sancius, whom our Generall tooke to serve his turne to 
water along the coast : for he was one of the best coasters 
in the South Sea. This Michael Sancius was a Proven- 
sail, borne in Marseils, and was the first man that told us 
newes of the great shippe called The Santa Anna, which 
wee afterward tooke comming from the Philippinas. 

There were six men more in this new shippe : wee tooke 
her sailes, her ropes, and fire-wood to serve our turnes, 
set her on fire and kept the men. 

The tenth wee tooke another barke which was going 
with advise of us, and our ships all along the coast, as 
Michael Sancius told us : but all the company that were 
in the barke were fled on shore. The sixe and twentieth 
day of July, we came to an anchor at tenne fathomes in 




They arrived 
at Puna the 
25. of May. 

The Hugh 
Gallant a 
Barke of \o. 
tuns sunke. 

Rio dolce. 

Sancius a 

A great newe 
shippe burnt. 

The second 
Barke of 
advise taken. 



The river of 

Aguatulco in 
15. degrees 
and 40. 

A barke burnt. 
Anile. Cacaos. 
Aguatulco a 
towne of 1 00. 
houses burnt. 

[I. ii. 64.J 

Cacaos goe for 
money in 

Our Generall 
entred two 
miles into the 
maine land 
with 30. men. 

Puerto de 
Natividad in 
19 degrees. 


the river of Copalita, where we made account to water. 
And the same night wee departed with thirty men in the 
Pinnesse, and rowed to Aguatulco, which is but two 
leagues from the aforesaid river ; and standeth in fifteene 
degrees fortie minutes to the Northward of the Equinoc- 
tiall line. The seven and twentieth in the morning by 
the breake of day, wee came into the roade of Aguatulco, 
where wee found a barke of fiftie tunnes, which was come 
from Sonsonate, laden with Cacaos and Anile, which they 
had there landed : and the men were all fled on shoare. 
Wee landed there, and burnt their towne, with the Church 
and Cus tome-house, which was very faire and large : in 
which house were sixe hundred bags of Anile to die cloth ; 
every bagge whereof was worth fortie Crownes, and foure 
hundred bagges of Cacaos ; every bag whereof is worth 
ten Crownes. These Cacaos goe among them for meate 
and money. For an hundred and fiftie of them are in 
value one Ryal of plate in readie payment. They are 
very like unto an Almond, but are nothing so pleasant in 
taste : they eate them, and make drinke of them. 

The eight and twentieth day, we set sayle from Copalita, 
because the sea was so great there, that we could not fill 
water, and ranne the same night into the roade of Agua- 
tulco. The nine and twentieth, our Generall landed and 
went on shore with thirtie men, two miles into the woods, 
where we tooke a Mestizo, whose name was Michael de 
Truxillo, who was customer of that towne, and we found 
with him two chambers full of his stuffe : wee brought 
him and his stuffe aboord. And whereas I say he was a 
Mestizo, it is to be understood, that a Mestizo, is one 
which hath a Spaniard to his father, and an Indian to his 

The foure and twentieth day of August, our Generall 
with thirty of us went with the Pinnesse unto an haven 
called Puerto de Natividad, where we had intelligence by 
Michael Sancius, that there should be a Pinnesse, but before 
we could get thither, the said Pinnesse was gone to fish for 
pearles twelve leagues farther, as we were informed by 



certaine Indians which we found there. We tooke a 
MuUato in this place in his bed, which was sent with letters 
of advice concerning us along the coast of Nueva Galicia, 
whose horse we killed, tooke his letters, left him behind, 
set fire on the houses, and burnt two new shippes of two 
hundred tunnes the piece, which were in building there on 
the stockes, and came aboord of our shippes againe. The 
sixe and twentieth day, we came into the bay of S. lago, 
where we watered at a fresh River, along which river many 
plantans are growing : here is great abundance of fresh 
fish. Here also certaine of our company dragged for 
pearles, and caught some quantitie. 

The second of September, we departed from Sant lago. 
This bay of Sant lago standeth in nineteene degrees and 
eighteene minutes to the Northward of the line. The 
third of September, we arrived in a little Bay a league to 
the Westward off Port de Navidad, called Malacca, which 
is a very good place to ride in : and the same day about 
twelve of the clocke, our Generall landed with thirty men 
or there about, and went up to a towne of Indians, which 
was two leagues from the road, which towne is called 
Acatlan : there were in it about twentie or thirty houses 
and a Church, which we defaced and came aboord againe 
the same night. All the people were fled out of the towne 
at the sight of us. The fourth, we departed from the 
road of Malacca, and sayled along the coast. The eight, 
wee came to the roade of Chaccalla, in which Bay there 
are two little houses by the waters side. This Bay is 
eighteene leagues from the Cape de los Corrientes. The 
ninth in the morning our Generall sent up Captaine 
Havers, with forty men of us before day, and Michael 
Sancius being our guide, we went unto a place about two 
leagues up into the countrey, in a desert path through the 
woods and wildernesse ; and in the ende wee came to a 
place where wee tooke three housholders with their wives 
and children, and some Indians, one Carpenter which was 
a Spaniard, and a Portugall, we bound them all, and made 
them to come to the sea side with us. Our Generall made 




The third poste 
of adz-he 

Puerto de 



Two new ships 


The river of 

Sant lago. 

Pearles taken. 

The bay of 

The towne of 
Jcatlan burnt. 

The road of 



The Isle ofS. 

Iguanas good 

Massatlan in 
23. degrees 
and an halfe. 

An Island a 
league North- 
wards of Mas- 

The escape of 
one Domingo, 
a Spaniard. 



their wives to fetch us Plantans, Lymmons, and Oranges, 
Pine-aples, and other fruits whereof they had abundance, 
and so let their husbands depart, except Sembrano the 
Spanish Carpenter, and Diego the Portugal ; and the tenth 
day we departed the roade. 

The twelfth day we arrived at a little Island called the 
Isle of Sant Andrew, on which there is great store of 
fowle and wood : where we dryed and salted as many of 
the fowles, as wee thought good : we also killed there 
abundance of Scales, and Iguanos which are a kind of 
Serpents, with foure feete, and a long sharpe tayle, strange 
to them which have not seene them ; but they are very 
good meate. We ridde here untill the seventeenth day, 
at which time wee departed. 

The foure and twentieth day we arrived in the road of 
Massatlan, which standeth in twenty three degrees \. just 
under the Tropicke of Cancer : It is a very great river 
within, but is barred at the mouth : & upon the North side 
of the barre without, is good fresh water : but there is 
very evil filling of it : because at a low water it is shoald 
halfe a mile off the shoare. There is great store of fresh 
fish in that bay : and good fruites up into the countrey, 
whereof wee had some, though not without danger. 

The seven and twentieth day of September, we departed 
from the roade of Massatlan, and ran to an Island which is 
a league to the Northward of the said Massatlan ; where 
wee trimmed our ships, and new built our Pinnesse : and 
there is a little Island a quarter of a league from it, on which 
are Seales ; where a Spanish prisoner, whose name was 
Domingo, beeing sent to wash shirts with one of our men 
to keep him, made a scape, and swam to the maine, which 
was an English mile distant : at which place we had seene 
thirty or fortie Spaniards and Indians, which were horse- 
men, and kept watch there, which came from a towne 
called Chiametla, which was eleven leagues up into the 
countrey, as Michael Sancius told us. We found upon 
the Hand where we trimmed our Pinnesse, fresh water by 
the assistance of God in that our great neede by digging 



two or three foote deepe in the sand, where no water, nor 
signe of water was before to be perceived. Otherwise 
wee had gone backe twenty or thirty leagues to water : 
which might have beene occasion that wee might have 
missed our prey we had long wayted for. But God raysed 
one Flores a Spaniard, which was also a prisoner with us, 
to make a motion to digge in the sands. Now our 
Generall having had experience once before of the like, 
commanded to put his motion in practise, and in digging 
three foot deepe wee found very good and fresh water. 
So wee watered our shippes, and might have filled a thou- 
sand tunnes more, if we had would. 

We stayed in this Island untill the ninth day of 
October, at which time wee departed at night for the 
Cape of S. Lucar, which is on the West side of the point 
of California : with which wee fell on the foureteenth of 
October, it is very like the Needles at the Isle of Wight 
and within the said Cape is a great Bay, called by the 
Spaniards Aguada Segura : into which falleth a faire fresh 
river, about which many Indians use to keepe ; we watered 
in the river, and lay off and on from the said Cape of S. 
Lucar untill the fourth of November, and had the winds 
hanging still Westerly. 

The fourth of November, the Desire and the Content, 
beating up and downe upon the headland of California, 
which standeth in twenty three degrees, and | to the 
Northward, betweene seven and eight of the clocke in the 
morning, one of the company of our Admirall which was 
the trumpeter of the ship going up into the toppe, espied 
a sayle bearing in from the sea with the Cape ; whereupon 
he cryed out with no small joy to himselfe and the whole 
companie, A sayle, a sayle: with which cheereflill word 
the master of the ship, and divers others of the company 
went also up into the maine top, who perceiving the 
speech to be very true, gave information unto our Generall 
of these happy newes, who was no lesse glad then the 
cause required : whereupon he gave in charge presently 
unto the whole companie to put all things in readinesse, 




[I. ii. 65.] 

Fresh toater at 
two or three 
foote deepe in 
the sand. 

The Cape of 
S. Lucar on 
the point of 


California in 
23. degrees l^ 
two thirds. 


The fight 
betweene the 
great S. Anna 
and us. 


which beeing performed we gave them chase some three 
or foure houres, standing with our best advantage, and 
working for the winde. 

In the afternoone we gat up unto them, giving them 
the broad side with our great ordnance, and a volee of 
small shot, and presently laid the ship aboord, whereof 
the King of Spaine was owner, which was Admirall of the 
South-sea, called the S. Anna, and thought to be seven 
hundred tunnes in burthen. Now as we were readie on 
their ships side to enter her, beeing not past fiftie or sixty 
men at the uttermost in our ship, we perceived that the 
Captain of the said ship had made fights fore and after, 
and laid their sailes close on their poope, their mid-ship, 
with their fore-castle, and having not one man to be scene, 
stood close under their fights, with Lances, Javelings, 
Rapiers and Targets, and an innumerable sort of great 
stones, which they threw over boord upon our heads, and 
into our ship so fast, and beeing so many of them, that 
they put us off the shippe againe, with the losse of two 
of our men which were slaine, and with the hurting of 
foure or five. But for all this we new trimmed our sailes, 
and fitted every man his furniture, and gave them a fresh 
Encounter with our great Ordnance, and also with our 
small shot, raking them thorough and thorough, to the 
killing and maiming of many of their men. Their 
Captaine still like a valiant man with his companie, stood 
very stoutely unto his close fights, not yeelding as yet. 
Our Generall incouraging his men afresh with the whole 
noyse of trumpets, gave them the third encounter with 
our great Ordnance, and all our small shot to the great 
discomforting of our enemies, raking them through in 
diverse places, killing and spoyling many. They beeing 
thus discomforted, and their shippe beeing in hazard of 
sinking by reason of the great shot which were made, 
whereof some were under water, within five or sixe houres 
fight, set out a flagge of truce, and parled for mercie, 
desiring our Generall to save their lives, and to take their 
goods, and that they would presently yeeld. Our 




Generall promised them mercy, and willed them to strike 

their sayles, and to hoyse out their boat, & to come 

aboord : which newes they were fUU glad to heare, and 

presently stroke their sailes, hoysed their boat out, and 

one of their chiefe marchants came aboord unto our 

Generall : and falling downe upon his knees, offered to 

have kissed his feete, and craved mercie : the Captaine 

and their Pilote, at their comming used the like duetie 

and reverence as the former did. The Generall promised 

their lives and good usage. They declared what goods 

they had within boord, to wit, an hundreth and two and ^"' hundred 

twenty thousand pezos of gold : and the rest of the riches ^|^^„," ^^j^. 

that the ship was laden with, was in Silkes, Sattens, sand pezos of 

Damasks, with Muske and divers other marchandize, and Gold. 

great store of all manner of victualls, with the choise of ^/fz" " 8. 

many conserves of all sorts for to eate, and of sundry V, '"^^' , 

^ r 1 • ^1 1 ■ 1 ■ 1 T^he merchan- 

sorts or very good wmes. I hese things beemg made ^^g i„ tj^g 

knowne, they were commanded to stay aboord the Desire, great shippe. 

and on the sixt day of November following, we went into 

an harbour, which is called by the Spaniards, Aguada 

Segura, or Puerto Seguro. 

Here the whole company of the Spaniards, both of men The Spaniards 
and women to the number of an hundred and ninetie '^' "" 'hore to 
persons were set on shore : where they had a fayre river number of 
of fresh water, with great store of fresh-fish, fowle, and 
wood, and also many Hares and Conies upon the maine 
land. Our Generall also gave them great store of 
victualls, of Garvansas, Peason, and some Wine. Also 
they had all the sailes of their shippe to make them tents 
on shore, with licence to take such store of plankes as 
should be sufficient to make them a barke. Then we 
fell to hoysing in of our goods, sharing of the treasure, 
and alotting to every man his portion. In division Mutinie 
whereof, the eight of this moneth, many of the company "S"'"'^ ^'^ 
fell into a mutinie against our Generall, especially those ri_ ;; 66.1 
which were in the Content, which neverthelesse were after 
a sort pacified for the time. 

On the seventeenth day of November, which is the 



day of the happy Coronation of her Majestic, our Generall 
commanded all his Ordnance to be shot off, with the small 
shot both in his owne shippe where himselfe went, and 
also in the Content, which was our Vice-admirall. This 
being done, the same night we had many fire-workes, and 
more Ordnance discharged, to the great admiration of all 
the Spaniards which were there : for the most part of them 
had never seene the like before. This ended, our Generall 
discharged the Captaine, gave him a royall reward, with 
provision for his defence against the Indians and his 
companie, both of Swords, Targets, Pieces, Shot and 
Powder to his great contentment : but before his depar- 

Two boyes of xxate,, hee tooke out of this great shippe two yong lads 

''^''"' borne in Japon, which could both write and reade their 

owne language, the eldest being about twenty yeeres 

olde, was named Christopher, the other was called Cosmus, 

about seventeene yeeres of age, both of very good capacitie. 

Three boyes of j-^g tooke also with him out of their shippe, three boyes 

Manilla. jj^j.^^^ -^^ ^.j^^ ^sles ofManilk, the one about fifteene, the 

other about thirteene, and the yongest about nine yeeres 
old. The name of the eldest was Alphonso, the second 
Anthony de Dasi, the third remaineth with the right 
Honourable the Countesse of Essex. He also tooke from 

Nicholas them one Nicholas Roderigo, a Portugall, who hath been 

etigo,a ■ Q^jiton, and other parts of China, in the Islands of 
Portugall .' r .,.'., . , . 

Japon, bemg a countrey most rich in silver mines, and in 

the Philippinas. 

J Spanish ^gg tooke also from them a Spaniard, whose name was 

Thomas de Ersola, which was a very good Pilote from 

Acapulco, and the coast of Nueva Espanna unto the 

Islands of Ladrones, where the Spaniards doe put in to 

Acapulco is the -^Y^atg].^ sayling betweene Acapulco and the Phillippinas : in 

the\ set forth which Isles of Ladrones, they finde fresh water, Plantans, 

to the Philip- and Potato-rootes : howbeit the people bee verie rude 

pinas. and heathens. 

Goodwatering -pj^g nineteenth day of November aforesaid, about three 

"ladrones °^ ^^ clocke in the afternoone, our Generall caused the 

Kings Shippe to be set on fire, which having to the 



quantitie of five hundred tunnes of goods in her, we saw 
burnt unto the water, and then gave them a piece of 
Ordnance, and set sayle joyfully homewards towards 
England with a faire winde, which by this time was come 
about to East Northeast : and night growing neere, we 
left the Content a sterne of us, which was not as yet come 
out of the roade. And here thinking she would have 
overtaken us, we lost her companie, and never saw her 
after. We were sayling from this haven of Agueda 
Segura in California, unto the lies of Ladrones the rest 
of November, and all December, and so forth untill the 
third of Januarie, 1588. with a faire winde for the space 
of five and fortie dayes : and we esteemed it to be 
betweene seventeene and eighteene hundred leagues. 

The third day of January by sixe of the clocke in the 
morning, we had sight of one of the Islands of Ladrones, 
called the Island of Guano, standing in thirteene degrees 
I toward the North, and sayling with a gentle gale before 
the winde, by one or two of the clocke in the afternoone, 
we were come up within two leagues of the Island, where 
wee met with sixtie or seventie sayles of Canoas full of 
Savages, who came off to sea unto us, and brought with 
them in their Boates, Plantans, Cocos, Potato-rootes, and 
fresh-fish, which they had caught at Sea, and held them 
up unto us for to trucke or exchange with us ; which 
when we perceived, we made fast little pieces of old yron 
upon small cords, and fishing lines, and so vered the yron 
unto their Canoas, and they caught hold of them, and 
tooke off the yron, and in exchange of it, they would 
make fast unto the same line, either a Potato-roote, or a 
bundle of Plantans, which we haled in : and thus our 
companie exchanged with them, untill they had satisfied 
themselves with as much as did content them : yet we 
could not be ridde of them. For afterward they were so 
thicke about the ship, that it stemmed, and brake one or 
two of their Canoas ; but the men saved themselves, being 
in every Canoa, foure, sixe, or eight persons, all naked 
and excellent swimmers and divers. They are of a tawny 




The winde at 
East north- 

The Content 
Hare was 
master, left 
behind in the 

The Island of 
Guana one of 
the Ladrones 
in i'^. degrees 
y two thirds. 

of the Isles of 


The colour IS 
stature of the 
people of the 
Isles of 
Their images. 


Camas sailing 
right against 
the wirtde. 

The nimble- 
nesse of the 
people of the 

Cabo del 
Spirito Sancto, 
one of the Isles 
of the Philip- 
pinas in 13. 
[I. ii. 67.] 
From Guana 
an Isle of the 
Ladrones to 
Cabo del 
Spirito Santa 
is 310. 


colour, and marvellous fat, and bigger ordinarily of stature 
then the most part of our men in England, wearing their 
haire marvellous long : yet some of them have it made 
up, and tyed with a knot on the Crowne, and some with 
two knots, much like unto their Images which we saw 
carved in wood, and standing in the head of their boats, 
like unto the Images of the devill. Their Canoas were 
as artificially made, as any that ever we had seene : con- 
sidering they were made and contrived without any edge- 
toole. They are not above halfe a yard in breadth, and in 
length some seven or eight yardes, and their Heads and 
Sternes are both alike : they are made out with raftes of 
Canes and Reeds on the Starre-bord-side, with Maste and 
Saile : their Sayle is made of matters of Sedges, square 
or trianglewise : and they saile as well right against the 
winde, as before the winde. These Savages followed us 
so long, that we could not be ridde of them : untill in 
the ende our Generall commanded some halfe dozen 
Harquebuzes to bee made ready ; and himselfe strooke 
one of them, and the rest shot at them : but they were 
so yare and nimble, that we could not discerne whether 
they were killed or no, because they could fall backeward 
into the sea, and prevent us by diving. 

The foureteenth day of January lying at hull with our 
Ship all the middle watch, from twelve at night, untill 
foure in the morning, by the breake of day, we fell with 
an head-land of the Isles of the Philippinas, which is 
called Cabo del Spirito Santo, which is of very great 
bignesse and length, high land in the middest of it, and 
very low land as the Cape lieth East and West, trending 
farre into the Sea to the Westward. This Cape or Island 
is distant from the He of Guana, one of the Ladrones, 
three hundred and ten leagues. We were in sayling of 
this course eleven dayes, with scant winds, and some foule 
weather, bearing no sayle two or three nights. This 
Island standeth in thirteene degrees, and is a place much 
peopled with heathen people, and all woodie through the 
whole Land : and it is short of the chiefest Island of the 




Philippinas called Manilla, about sixtie leagues. Manilla T^he desa-ip- 
is well planted and inhabited with Spaniards, to the """ "■^'J'^ 
number of sixe or seven hundred persons : which dwell Manilla. 
in a towne unwalled, which hath three or foure Block- 
houses, part made of wood, and part of stone, being 
indeed of no great strength : they have one or two small 
Gallies belong to the Towne. It is a very rich place of 
Gold, and many other commodities ; and they have yeerely Trade from 
traffique from Acapulco in Nueva Espanna, and also ^^\iil '" 
twenty or thirtie shippes from China, and from the Uarchants of 
Sanguelos, which bring them many sorts of marchandize. China. Mar- 
They bring great store of gold with them, which they '^'"^^^^ '"^^^'^ 
traffique and exchange for silver, and give weight for ^JjJS^""'- 
weight. These Sanguelos are men of marvellous capacity, changed 
in devising and making all manner of things, especially viaightfir 
in all handle crafts and sciences : and every one is so viaightfir 
expert, perfect, and skilfull in his facultie, as few or no ^''"'• 
Christians are able to go beyond them in that which they 
take in hand. For drawing and imbroidering upon Satten, 
Silke, or Lawne, either beast, fowle, fish, or worme, for 
livelinesse and perfectnesse, both in Silke, Silver, Gold, 
and Pearle, they excell. Also the fourteenth day at night 
we entred the Straits between the Island of Luzon, and 
the Hand of Camlaia. 

The fifteenth of January we fell with an Island called The Island of 

Capul, and had betwixt the said Island and another Island *"f^"/ "' 
it .... - ., which our men 

but a narrowe passage, and a ripplmg or a very great tide, ^fa-jed 9. 

with a ledge of Rockes lying off the point of the Island da^es. 

of Capul : and no danger, but water enough a faire 

breadth off : and within the point a faire Bay, and a 

very good harborough in foure fathomes water hard 

aboord the shore within a Cables length. About tenne 

of the clocke in the morning we came to an anchor. Our 

Shippe was no sooner come to an anchor, but presently 

there came a Canoa rowing aboord us j^ wherein was one <^"* "f*^^ 

of the cheife Casiques of the Island, I whereof there bee f'/'^f/Z^' 

seven, who supposing that we were /Spaniards, brought "hhnd 

us Potato-rootes, which they call Cpmotas, and greene aboord 


. came 

W^^-a a '^«<,, , ■,,,> .,*tf€^ \f^i 



Cocos, in exchange whereof we gave his companie pieces 
of linnen, to the quantitie of a yard for foure Cocos, and 
as much linnen for a basket of Potato-rootes of a quart 
in quantitie ; which rootes are very good meate, and 
excellent sweete, either rosted or boyled. This Casiques 
skinne was carved and cut with sundry and many strakes 
and devises all over his bodie. We kept him still aboord, 
and caused him to send those men which brought him 
aboord backe to the Island, to cause the rest of the Prin- 
cipals to come aboord : who were no sooner gone" on shore, 
but presently the people of the Island came downe with 
their Cocos, and Potato-rootes, and the rest of the Prin- 
cipals likewise came aboord, and brought with them 

Hemes and hennes, and hogges : and they used the same order with 
°^"'' us which they doe with the Spaniards. For they tooke 

for every hogge (which they call Balboye) eight Ryals of 
plate, and for every henne or cocke one ryall of plate. 
Thus we rode at anchor all that day, doing nothing but 
buying rootes, Cocos, hennes, hogges, and such things 
as they brought, refreshing our selves. Here Thomas 
Ersola, the Spanish Pilot, seeking to betray us to the 
Spaniards, was hanged. 

We roade for the space of nine dayes, about this Island 
of Capul, where we had diverse kinds of fresh victualls, 
with excellent fresh water in every bay, and great store 

The manner of of wood. The people of this Island go almost all naked, 

'q ^"f " "^ and are tawny of colour. The men weare onely a stroope 
about their wastes, of some kind of linnen of their owne 
weaving, which is made of Plantan-leaves, and another 
stroope comming from their backe under their twistes, 

A strange which covereth their privy parts, and is made fast to their 

!w '!!/■ \ girdles at their navels : which is this. Every man and 
yards oj men o ,.,., iii 1 r >-r^ 1 

to prevent man-child among them, hath a nayle or Tynne thrust 

Sodomy, for quite through the head of his privie part, being split in 

which purpose the lower ende, and rivetted, and on the head of the nayle 

tn egutey j^ ^^ j^ ^^^^ ^ Crowne : which is driven through their 

weare m the ... , , , 111 ° 1 

same part privities when they be yong, and the place groweth up 
balls. againe, without any great paine to the child : and they 



take this nayle out and in as occasion serveth ; and for 
the truth thereof, we our selves have taken one of these 
nayles from a Sonne of one of the Kings, which was of the 
age of tenne yeeres, who did weare the same in his privy 
member. This custome was granted at the request of 
the women of the Countrey, who finding their men to 
be given to the fowle sinne of Sodomie, desired some 
remedie against that mischiefe, and obtained this before 
named of the Magistrates. Moreover, all the males are 
circumcised, having the foreskinne of their flesh cut away. 
These people wholly worshippe the Devill, and oftentimes 
have conference with him, which appeareth unto them in 
most ugly and monstrous shape. 

On the three and twentieth, our Generall M. Thomas 
Candish caused all the Principals of this Island, and of an 
hundred Islands more, which hee had made to pay Tribute 
unto him (which Tribute was in Hogges, Hennes, 
Potatoes, and Cocos) to appeare before him, and made 
himselfe and his Company knowne unto them, that they 
were Englishmen, and enemies to the Spaniards ; and 
thereupon spred his Ensigne, and sounded up the 
Drummes, which they much marvelled at. To conclude, 
they promised both themselves and all the Islands there- 
about, to ayde him, whensoever hee should come againe 
to overcome the Spaniards. Also our Generall gave them, 
in token that wee were enemies to the Spaniards, Money 
back againe for all their Tribute which they had payed : 
which they tooke marvellous friendly, and rowed about 
our shippe, to shew us pleasure, marvellous swiftly. At 
the last, our Generall caused a Saker to be shot off^ ; 
whereat they wondered, and with great contentment tooke 
their leaves of us. 

The next day, being the foure and twentieth of January, 
wee set sayle about six of the clocke in the morning, and 
ran along the Coast of the Island of Manilla, shaping our 
course Northwest, betweene the Isle of Manilla, and the 
Isle of Masbat. 

The eight and twentieth day, in the morning about 
II 177 M 




[I. ii. 68.] 
The inhabi- 
tants ofCapul, 
zeith all the 
promise to ayde 
the English 
against the 

from the 
Island of 
The Isle of 



seven of the clocke, riding at an anchor betwixt two 

Islands, wee espyed a Frigat under her two Coarses, 

comming out betweene two other Islands, which (as wee 

imagined) came from Manilla, sayling close aboord the 

The Island of shore, along the maine Island of Panama. Here wee 

Panama. ^.^jg ^^ anchor all that night, and perceived that certaine 

Spaniards (which came from Manilla to Ragaun, to fetch 

a new shippe of the Kings, there builded) had dispersed 

their Band into two or three parts, and kept great Watch 

in severall steedes, with Fires, and shooting off their 

Pieces. This Island hath much plaine Ground in it, in 

many places, and many faire and straight Trees doe grow 

upon it, fit for to make excellent good Masts for all sorts 

Mines of very of shippes. There are also Mynes of very fine Gold in 

^T?f% % ^*' "^h^'^h ^^^ ^" the custodie of the Indians. And to the 

Panama South-ward of this place, there is another very great 

Island, which is not subdued by the Spaniards, nor any 

other Nation. The people which inhabite it, are all 

The Island of Negros, and the Island is called the Island of Negros ; 

Negros,inntne ^^^ jg almost as biege as England, standing in nine 

degrees : The most part of it seemeth to be very lowe 

Land, and by all likelyhood is very fruitful!. 

Their depar- f ^g ^ine and twentieth day of January, about six of 

'^''/r"^ i ^ the clocke in the morning wee set sayle, sending our Boat 
Phihppmas. . . .„ . ° r 1 1 . • 1 °r 

before, untill it was two or the clocke m the arternoone, 

passing all this time as it were through a Strait, betwixt 
the said two Islands of Panama, and the Island of Negros ; 
and about sixteene Leagues off, wee espyed a faire open- 
ing, trending South-west and by South : at which time 
our Boat came aboord, and our Generall sent commenda- 
tions to the Spanish Captaine, which wee came from the 
Evening before, by a Spaniard which wee had taken, and 
willed him to provide good store of Gold ; for hee meant 
for to see him with his company at Manilla within few 
yeeres ; and that hee did but want a bigger Boat to have 
landed his men, or else he would have seene him then; 
and so caused him to be set on shore. 

The eight day of February, by eight of the clocke in 


Islands, in 3. 
degrees, 10. 
minutes to the 

Our arrivall 

The Morisco 
or Arabian 
Tongue com- 
mon in Java. 


the morning, wee espyed an Island neere Gilolo, called 
Batochina, which standeth in one degree from the Equi- Batochina. 
noctiall Line, Northward. 

The foureteenth day of February, wee fell with eleven 
or twelve very small Islands, lying very low and flat, full 
of Trees, and passed by some Islands which bee sunke, 
aiid have the drie Sands lying in the maine Sea. These 
Islands neere the Malucco's, stand in three degrees and 
ten minutes, to the Southward of the Line. 

The first day of March having passed through the Straits 
of Java minor and Java major, wee came to an anchor under 
the Southwest parts of Java major : where wee espyed cer- 
taine of the people, which were fishing by the Sea side, in 
a Bay which was under the Island. Then our Generall 
taking into the ship-boat certaine of his company, and a 
Negro which could speake the Morisco Tongue, which 
hee had taken out of the great S. Anna, made toward 
those Fishers ; which having espyed our Boat, ranne on 
shore into the Wood, for feare of our men : But our 
Generall caused his Negro to call unto them ; who no 
sooner heard him call, but presently one of them came out 
to the shore side, and made answere. Our Generall by 
the Negro enquired of him for fresh Water, which they 
found, and caused the Fisher to goe to the King, and to 
certifie him of a shippe that was come, to have Traffique 
for Victuals, and for Diamants, Pearles, or any other rich 
Jewels that hee had. 

And on the twelfth of March, there came nine or ten 
of the Kings Canoas so deepely laden with Victuals as 
they could swimme, with two great live Oxen, halfe a 
score of wonderfull great and fat Hogges, a number of 
Hennes, Drakes, Geese, Egges, Plantans, Sugar Canes, 
Sugar in Plates, Cocos, sweet Oranges and sowre, Lymes, 
great store of Wine and Aqua-vitae, Salt to season Victuals 
withall, and almost all manner of Victuals else, with divers 
of the Kings Officers, which were there. 

There came two Portugals to us, which enquired of 
Don Antonio their King, then in England, and told us 


Nine or ten of .,' 
the Kings 


Raja Bolam- 

[I. ii. 69.] 
The wives kill 
after their 

A strange 


of the Javanes, as foUoweth. The name of the King of 
that part of the Island was Raja Bolamboam, who was a 
man had in great majestic and feare among them. The 
common people may not bargaine, sell, or exchange any 
thing with any other Nation, without speciall licence from 
their King ; and if any so doe, it is present death for 
him. The King himselfe is a man of great yeeres, and 
hath an hundred Wives, his sonne hath fiftie. The 
custome of the Countrey is, that whensoever the King 
doth die, they take the body so dead, and burne it, and 
preserve the ashes of him, and within five dayes next 
after, the Wives of the said King so dead, according to 
the custome and use of their Countrey, every one of them 
goe together to a place appointed, and the chiefe of the 
Women, which was neerest unto him in accompt, hath a 
Ball in her hand, and throweth it from her, and to the 
place where the Ball resteth, thither they goe all, and 
turne their faces to the East-ward, and every one with a 
Dagger in their hand, (which Dagger they call a Crise, 
and is as sharpe as a Rasor) stab themselves to the heart, 
and with their hands all to be-bath themselves in their 
owne blood, and falling groveling on their faces, so ende 
their dayes. This thing is as true as it seemeth to any 
hearer to be strange. The men of themselves be very 
politique and subtile, and singularly valiant, being naked 
men, in any action they undertake, and wonderfblly at 
commandement and feare of their King. For example: 
If their King command them to undertake any exploit, 
be it never so dangerous or desperate, they dare not refuse 
it, though they die every man in the execution of the 
same. For he will cut off the heads of every one of them 
which return alive without bringing of their purpose to 
passe : which is such a thing among them, as it maketh 
them the most valiant people in all the Southeast-parts 
of the world : for they never feare any death. For beeing 
in fight with any Nation, if any of them feeleth himselfe 
hurt with Launce or sword, he will willingly runne him- 
selfe upon the weapon quite through his body, to procure 




his death the more speedily, and in this desperate sort ende 

his dayes, or overcome his enemie. Moreover, although 

the men bee tawnie of coloior, and goe continually naked, 

yet their women be faire of complexion, and goe more F^'fe women 

apparelled. They told us further, that if their King Don *" ^"'"^^ . 
/ ^ . , , ■' 1 ' , , , ° /Job Antonto 

Antonio, would come unto them, they would warrant him ^- j^f y^ 

to have all the Malucos at commandement, besides China, received as 

Sangles, and the Isles of the Philippinas, and that he King in the 

might be assured to have all the Indians on his side that ^"^t Indies. 

are in the countrey. After we had fully contented these 

Portugals, and the people of Java which brought us 

victualls in their Canoas, they tooke their leaves of us, 

with promise of all good entertainement at our returnes, 

and our Generall gave them three great pieces of Ordnance 

at their departing. 

Thus the next day, being the sixteenth of March, we 'Fhey depart 
set sayle towards the Cape of good Hope, called by the f''°^ ^"^ '^^ 
Portugals, Cabo de buena Esperancza, on the Southermost ,(.gg ' 

coast of Africa. The rest of March, and all the moneth 
of Aprill, we spent in traversing that mightie and vaste 
Sea, betweene the Isle of Java, and the maine of Africa, 
observing the heavens, the Crosiers or Southpole, the 
other starres, the fowles, which are markes unto the 
Seamen of faire weather, foule weather, approching of 
Lands, or Islands, the winds, the tempests, the raines 
and thunders, with the alterations of tides and cur- 

The eleventh of May in the morning one of the com- 
pany went into the toppe, and espyed Land bearing North, 
and North and by West off us, and about noone we 
espyed land to beare West off us, which as we did imagine 
was the Cape of Buena Esperancza, whereof indeede wee 
were short some fortie or fiftie leagues : and by reason of 
the skantnesse of the winde, we stood along to the South- 
east untill midnight ; at which time the winde came faire, 
and we haled along Westward. The twelfth and thir- 
teenth dayes we were becalmed, and the skie was very 
hazie, and thicke, until! the foureteenth day at three of 




Cabo Falso. 

They double 
the Cape de 
Bona Sper- 

From Java to 
the Cape of 
Bona Sper- 
anza is but 
iZtjO. leagues. 

June 1588. 

They anchor 
at the Hand of 
S. Helena the 
9. of June. 


the clocke in the afternoone, at which time the skie cleared, 
and we espied the Land againe, which was the Cape called 
Cabo Falso, which is short of the Cape de buena Esperanza 
forty or fiftie leagues. This Cape is very easie to be 
known. For there are right over it three very high hills, 
standing but a small way one off another, and the highest 
standeth in the middest, and the ground is much lower 
by the Sea side. The Cape of Good Hope, beareth West 
and by South from the said Cabo Falso. 

The sixteenth day of May, about foure of the clocke in 
the afternoone the Wind came up at East a very stiffe 
gale, which held untill it was Saturday with as much wind 
as ever the Shippe could goe before : at which time by 
sixe of the clocke in the morning we espied the Promon- 
torie or Head-land, called the Cape de Buena Esperanza, 
which is a reasonable high land, and at the Westermost 
point a little off the maine do shew two Hammocks, the 
one upon the other, and three other Hammocks lying 
fiarther off into the Sea, yet low land betweene and 
adjoyning unto the Sea. This cape of Buena Esperanza 
is set downe and accompted for two thousand leagues 
from the Island of Java in the Portugall Sea-carts : but 
it is not so much almost by an hundred and fiftie leagues, 
as we found by the running of our Ship. We were in 
running of these eighteene hundred and fiftie leagues, 
just nine weekes. 

The eight day of June, by breake of day we fell in 
sight of the Island of S. Helena, seaven or eight leagues 
short of it, having but a small gale of winde, or almost 
none at all : insomuch as wee could not get unto it that 
day, but stood off and on all that night. The next day 
having a prety easie gale of winde, we stood in with the 
shore, our Boat beeing sent away before to make the 
harborough ; and about one of the clocke in the after- 
noone, we came to an anchor in twelve fathomes water, 
two or three Cables length from the shore, in a very faire 
and smooth Bay, under the Northwest-side of the Island. 
This Island is very high land, and lieth in the maine Sea, 




standing as it were in the middest of the Sea, betweene 

the maine land of Africa, and the maine of Brasilia, and 

the coast of Guinea : and is in fifteene degrees and fortie f Helena is 

eight minutes to the Southward of the Equinoctiall line, *y^ ^"J^^'^es 

and is distant from the Cape of Buena Esperanza betweene /g. min. %the 

five and sixe hundred leagues. Here we went on shore. Southward. 

and entred the Church, which was hanged with painted [I- »• 7°-] 

clothes, having an Altar with a picture of the Crucifixe 

and Blessed Virgine in a Table. There is a causey to 

the Church, two houses also adjoyning, a frame with two 

Bells, and a Crosse of free-stone. The valley where 

it stands is pleasant, and planted in every place either with 

fruit trees, or with herbes. There are fig-trees, which The great 

beare fruit continually, and marvellous plentifuU : for on 'tore of diverse 
L 11 L LI c. J • exceltentfruits 

every tree you shall have blossomes, greene ngs, and ripe ^-^ ^ Helena 

figs, all at once : and it is so all the yeere long : the reason 
is, that the Island standeth so neere the Sunne. There 
be also great store of Lymmon-trees, Orange-trees, Pome- 
granate-trees, Pomecitron-trees, Date-trees, which beare 
fruit as the Figge-trees doe, and are planted carefiilly and 
very artificially, with very pleasant walkes under and 
betweene them, and the said walkes bee over-shadowed 
with the leaves of the trees : and in every voide place is 
planted Parsly, Sorell, BasiU, Fenell, Annis-seed, Mustard- 
seed, Raddishes, and many speciall good herbes : and the 
fresh water brooke runneth thorough diverse places of 
this Orchyard, and may with very small paines be made 
to water any one tree in the valley. 

There is also upon this Island great store of Partridges, AburMnce of 
which are very tame, not making any great haste to flie partridges m 
away though one come very neere them, but onely to ' ^ ^^''' 
runne away, and get up into the steepe clifFes ; we killed 
some of them with a fowling Piece. They be within a 
little as bigge as a henne, and are of an ash-colour, 
and live in Covies twelve, sixteene, and twenty together : 
you cannot goe tenne or twelve score, but you shall set or 
spring one or two Covies at the least. There are like- Q^eat store of 
wise no lesse store of Fesants in the Island, which are Feasants. 




Turkies in 
great quantity. 

numbers of 

Plentie of 



surpassing those which are in our Countrey in bignesse, 
and in numbers of a companie. We found moreover in 
this place great store of Guinie-cocks, which we call 
Turkies, of colour blacke and white, with red heads : they 
are much about the same bignesse which ours be of in 
England : their egges be white, and as bigge as a Turkies 

There are in this Island thousands of Goates, which the 
Spaniards call Cabritos, which are very wild : you shall 
see one or two hundred of them together, and sometimes 
you may behold them going in a flocke almost a mile 
long. Some of them are as big as an Asse, with a mayne 
like an Horse, and a beard hanging downe to the very 
ground. We tooke and killed many of them for all their 
swiftnes : for there be thousands of them upon the moun- 
taines. Here are in like manner great store of swine 
which be very wilde, fat, and large ; they keepe altogether 
upon the mountaines, and will very seldome abide any 
man to come neere them, except it bee by meere chance 
when they are found asleepe, or otherwise according to 
their kind, bee taken laid in the mire. 

We found in the houses at our comming three slaves, 
which were Negros, and one which was borne in the 
Island of Java : For the Portugals use to touch and 
refresh here at their returne from the Indies, and 
leave their sicke persons to be taken in by the next 

The twentieth day of June having taken in wood and 
water, and refreshed our selves with such things as we 
found there, and made cleane our ship, we set sayle about 
eight of the clocke in the night toward England. At our 
setting saile, we had the winde at Southeast, and wee 
haled away Northwest and by West. The winde is com- 
monly off the shore at this Island of S. Helena. 

On Friday in the morning beeing the three and twen- 
tieth day of August, at foure of the clocke we haled East, 
and East and by South for the Northermost Islands of 
the Azores. 




On Saturday the foure and twentieth day of the said 
moneth, by five of the clocke in the morning we fell in 
sight of the two Islands of Flores and Corvo, standing Corvo and 
in thirtie nine degrees and i, and sailed away Northeast. j ["} '^f,; 

The third of September we met with a Flemish hulke j^jires. 
which came from Lisbone, and declared unto us the over- 
throwing of the Spanish Fleete, to the singular rejoycing 
and comfort of us all. 

The ninth of September, after a terrible tempest which 
carried away most part of our sailes, by the merciflill 
favour of the Almightie, we recovered our long wished 
Port of Plimmouth in England, from whence we set Forth 
at the beginning of our Voyage. 

A Letter of Master Thomas Candish to the Right 
Honourable the Lord Hunsdon, Lord Cham- 
berlaine, one of her Majesties most Honourable 
Privy Counsel!, touching the successe of his 
Voyage about the World. 

Right Honourable, as your favour heretofore hath 
beene most greatly extended towards me, so I 
humbly desire a continuance thereof : and though there 
bee no meanes in me to deserve the same, yet the utter- 
most of my services shall not be wanting, whensoever it 
shall please your Honour to dispose thereof. I am 
humbly to desire your Honour to make knowne unto 
her Majestie, the desire I have had to doe her Majestie 
service in the performance of this Voyage. And as it 
hath pleased God to give her the victory over part of her 
enemies, so I trust yer long to see her overthrow them all. 
For the places of their wealth, whereby they have main- [I. ii. 71.] 
tained and made their warres, are now perfectly discovered : 
and if it please her Majestie, with a very small power she 
may take the spoyle of them all. It hath pleased the 
Almightie to suffer me to circompasse the whole Globe 
of the World, entring in at the Streight of Magellan, 
and returning by the Cape de Buena Esperanza. In 




which Voyage I have either discovered, or brought 
certaine intelligence of all the rich places of the world 
that ever were knowne or discovered by any Christian. 
I navigated alongst the Coast of Chili, Peru, and Nueva 
Espanna, where I made great spoyles : I burnt and sunke 
nineteene sayles of Ships small and great. All the 
Villages and Townes that ever I landed at, I burnt and 
spoyled : and had I not beene discovered upon the Coast, 
I had taken great quantitie of Treasure. The matter of 
most profit unto me, was a great ship of the Kings which 
I tooke at California, which ship came from the Philip- 
pinas, beeing one of the richest of merchandize that ever 
passed those Seas, as the King's Register and marchants 
accounts did shew: for it did amount in value to *in 
Mexico to be sold. Which goods (for that my Ships 
were not able to containe the least part of them) I was 
inforced to set on fire. From the Cape of California, 
being the uttermost part of all Nueva Espanna, I navi- 
gated to the Islands of the Philippinas, hard upon the 
Coast of China ; of which Countrey I have brought such 
intelligence as hath not been heard of in these parts. 
The statelinesse and riches of which Countrey I feare to 
make report of, least I should not be credited : for if I 
had not known sufficiently the incomparable wealth of that 
Countrey, I should have beene as incredulous thereof, 
as others will be that have not had the like experience. 
I sayled along the Islands of the Malucos, where among 
some of the Heathen people I was well intreated, where 
our Countrey-men may have trade as freely as the Portu- 
gals, if they will themselves. From thence I passed by 
the Cape of Buena Esperanza, and found out by the way 
homeward the Island of S. Helena, where the Portugals 
use to relieve themselves : and from that Island God hath 
suffered me to returne into England. All which services 
with my selfe, I humbly prostrate at her Majesties feete, 
desiring the Almightie long to continue her Reigne among 
us : for at this day shee is the most famous and victorious, 
Prince that liveth in the "World. 



Thus humbly desiring pardon of your Honour for my 
tediousnesse, I leave your Lordship to the tuition of the 
Almightie. Plimmouth this ninth of September, 1588. 

Your Honours most humble to command, 

Thomas Candish. 

Chap. V. 

The Voyage of Oliver Noort round about the 
Globe, beeing the fourth Circum-Navigation 
of the same, extracted out of the Latine 

N the yeere 1598. on the second day of 
July, the Maurice and the Concord set 
forth from Roterdam : and on the thir- 
teenth of September, the Henry Frede- 
rike, and the Hope came up to them, 
where they stayed for them on the Coast 
of England. Their chiefe Pilot was Cap- 
taine *Melis, an Englishman, which had encompassed the 
Circumference with M. Thomas Candish. On the nine- 
teenth they came before Plimmouth, where the Vice- 
admiralls boat with sixe men forsooke them. On the 
seven and twentieth they tooke two ships of Biscay, and 
after some view of them let them depart. 

October the fourth, they met foure shippes, one of 
Amsterdam, another of England, and two French com- 
ming out of Barbarie, which related of the terrible pestil- 
ence in that countrey, of which two hundred and fiftie 
thousand men in short space had died in Morocco. On 
the sixt, they were betwixt the Great Canarie and Tene- 
riffe. On the eight, the Vice-admirall lost her Boat, with 
one man, the night and winde severing them. On the 
ninth, they had almost runne on shore on the Coast of 
Barbary, by mis-understanding the English Pilot, who had 
bidden them steere Southwest, and they held their course 
South, till they were within halfe a mile of Land. On 



* Captaine 
Melts an 
English man 
in this Voyage, 
M. Adams in 
the next. 
Guides and 
Pilots to the 
Hollanders in 
their Circum- 
navigations; as 
M. Dames, 
and others 
afterwards in 
their first 
Their exploits 
are honours to 
the English. 



the third of November, they had sight of the Coast of 

Guinea. On December the fourth, they were hard by 

Cape Palma, in 3. J. On the tenth, they had sight of the 

lla del Prin- Princes He, and made to it with no little comfort, after 

"i'^' they had beene so long weather-beaten at sea. It standeth 

in one degree, \. They sent their Boats first for Dis- 

coverie, and having entred with a flagge of truce, a Negro 

comming with a like flagge to know what they would 

Treachery of have. They demanding provision were kindly used, and 

the Islanders. Qgrrits which knew the place, and could speake the Portu- 

[I. ii. 72.] gall tongue, with Captaine Melis, and one John Breme, 

were suddenly and treacherously slaine ; Captaine Peter 

Esias escaped by flight to the Boats, which were furiously 

assayled by the Portugalls, and the Generals brother slaine, 

the rest hardly returning aboord. The Generall calling a 

Councell of warre, they agreed to assault the Castle, which 

having attempted with losse, they burned all their Sugar 

houses, and with force provided themselves with fresh 

water. On the seventeenth they departed, but the South 

wind hindred them. On the five and twentieth they 

Cape Con- reached Cape Consalvo, where the wind usually in the 

salvo. night bloweth from Land, in the day from Sea. Heere 

they went on shore and found two Dutch Ships, and 

learned that Peter Verhagens had stayed a moneth in this 

place, and buried eight and thirtie of his companie, many 

other being sicke. He entred the River of Congo, and 

was forced to retire hither, and a fortnight before was 

departed for Anobon. He learned also that Captaine 

Cleerhagen, with a great part of his company were slaine 

in the Princes Island, the rest hardly escaping to and in 

their Ships. On the sixe and twentieth, they set sayle 

from the Cape towards Brasil. 

1599. On the first day of Januarie, 1599. they passed the Isle 

Anobon, and found two degrees Southerly. On the eight 

and twentieth they had the Sunne in their Zenith. On 

the third of Februarie, they espied by night certaine low 

ground, on which the Concord had like to have made a 

fatall discord. On the fift, they reached the Land of 



Brasil, at Cape Saint Thomas in two and twentie. On Cape Saint 
the sixt, they passed the Faire Cape, and in the Evening V^'!^'"- 
Cape Frio. On the ninth, they came to Rio Janero. q^^^ Yrk. ' 
After some losse of time, and their company by Portugal- Rio janero. 
wiles they departed to Saint Sebastian, where they had S. Sebastian. 
Fresh-water, Wood, and safe Harbour, but found no fruits. 
On the fourteenth of March, a cruell Storme assailed 
them, and severed the Vice-Admirall and the Hope, which 
yet on the seventeenth were restored againe to the Fleet. 
The Concord also leaked so much, that they agreed to 
emptie the goods, and forsooke her. But the Scorbute 
increasing, and the Winter approaching, made them 
resolve to seeke the Isle of Saint Helena, which they did, 
but missed it, and therefore thought to releeve them- 
selves in the Ascension, or some other Island. In lo\. they 
came to the Island, but barren and in-hospitall, save that 
with Clubbes they knocked downe many Fowles called 
Malle Mewen. But the Rockes without, and barrennesse 
within forced their departure, and when on the first of 
June, they had thought to have encountred the Isle 
Ascension, they found it the Continent of Brasil : which 
they imagined to have beene fourescore miles distant. 
The Portugalls prohibiting their landing, they came at last 
to the Isle of Saint Clara, and there erected Tents for S. Clam. 
their sicke people, some of which presently died. Heere 
they found little but Herbes, and two Trees of sower 
Plumbes, which cured the sicke in fifteene dayes. The 
Island is a * Mile in Compasse, and as farre from the Con- *^.v Miles 
tinent. Here they burned the Concord, having before ^'^^^'^f/^, 
taken out what they pleased : they also exposed two Male- 
factors to their forlorne fortunes. This Isle is in one and 
twentie degrees, fifteene minutes Southwards from the 
Line. On the sixteenth of July they determined to seeke 
Port Desire, which after many tempests they came to, on Port Desire. 
the twentieth of September in fortie seven degrees fortie 
minutes. In an Island three miles from thence South- 
wards, they furnished themselves with store of Penguins 
& fishes. Of those Fowles they took fifty thousand, 




being as bigge as Geese, with Egges innumerable, which 
prooved very refreshing to the diseased. Here they 
careened their Ships and set up a Smiths Forge. They 
went up the Rivers the fift of October, and going on Land, 
found Beasts like Stagges and BufFals, and multitudes of 
Ostreches ; in one Nest they tooke nineteene Egges, which 
the Damme had forsaken. The Captaine of the Hope 
dying of the Scorbute, the Captaine of the Concord was 
chosen his successour, and the Ship also was termed the 

On the twentieth day, the Generall went on Land, to 
descrie the Country, giving strait charge to looke well to 
the Boats, and not to stirre from them, which they trans- 
gressing, were out of ambushes set on by thirtie Savages, 
and three slaine, besides the fourth wounded. These 
Savages were of admirable stature, painted unto terrour, 
their Bowes short, their Arrowes headed with Stone. On 
the nine and twentieth they prepared to depart. On the 
Cape fourth of November, they were neere Cape Virgines ; the 
Firgtves. L^^d is low and plaine, by the whitenesse resembling Eng- 
land. Often they hence attempted to enter the Straights, 
but often entred straights with that attempt, repelled by 
tempestuous Windes, Raine, Hailes, Snowes, Sicknesse and 
Contention adding their subsidiarie assistance. These 
sensible crosses were accompanied with losses of Anchors, 
Cables, and (that which is most irrecoverable) time, little 
lesse then fifteene moneths being spent before they could 
fasten any good entrance into the Straights ; although 
they justly seemed engulphed in the straights all this time, 
and all their way hither, having paid the lives of almost a 
hundred of their company for Sea-custome. From the 
said Cape the Land trends South-Westward : the Straights 
mouth is hence fourteene miles, and halfe a mile in breadth. 
On the South side thereof they espied a man, with a kind of 
cloke, supposed therefore but falsly, to be a Christian, his 
face painted, and stature ordinarie, whom in vaine they in- 
vited to their Company. They saw many others, and on the 
five & twentieth they espied many men, in two Islands neere 



the Cape, which they called Nassau, who forbad the Hol- 
landers landing, with their Darts and other weapons, but 
were chased to an obscure Cave, where they were all slaine, 
before the Dutch could winne entrance. There they 
found the amazed and affrighted mothers, lying prostrate 
on their Infants to protect them from that fatall Thunder, 
from whom they tooke foure Boyes and two Girles, and 
with them returned aboord. Of one of these having 
learned to speake Dutch, they received this intelligence ; 
the Lands name was Castemme, this People or Tribe called 
Enoo. The name of the lesser Island Talcke, both stored 
with Penguins, whose Flesh yeelded them food, their 
Skinnes clothing. They dwelt in Caves under the Earth. 
In the Continent are many Ostriches whereon they feed : 
these they call Talcke, and another kind of wild beasts 
Cassoni. They dwell in severall Tribes or Families apart, 
whereof one is called Kemenetes dwelling in Karay, 
another Kennekas in Karamay, a third Karaike in Morine, 
all of stature like ours, except their broader and higher 
breasts, painted, the men tying their privie member with 
a string, the women hiding theirs with a Penguins ^skinne. 
The men weare long haire, the women are shaven. They 
goe naked, onely weare a cloke of Penguin skinnes to the 
wast. The like covering they make of other birds called 
Oripeggre ; the Pengwins they call Comppogre. These 
skinnes they compact together with no lesse Industrie and 
Art then Skinners doe with us. There is a fourth Family 
or Tribe, named Tirimenen, and the place of their habita- 
tion Coin, of giantly stature tenne or twelve foote high, 
which have often warres with the other Lords or Tribes, 
whom they call Pengwine-eaters, whereby it seemes they 
use other meat, haply Mans-flesh. 

On the sixe and twentieth, they tooke three hundred 
Pengwines on the Isles bearing that name. Before they 
come at these Pengwine Isles twixt two straits are shoalds, 
and an Island called Pantagoms. On the eight and twen- 
tieth day they passed to the Continent, and saw Whales. 
They encountered a pleasant River, but saw not the mouth 




Cape Nassau. 

[I. ii. 73.] 


Manners of 
the Inhabi- 

Giants: see ^ 
the next storie 
annexed of 
Seb. de Weert. 


Summer Bay. 
Port Famine. 

Terra Fuego 
is the Land on 
the South of 
the Straights, 
since found to 
bee but 

Philips Citie. 

Cafe Fro- 

* Sir Jaques 
Mahu {or as 
Adams calls 
him, Mahay) 
went out 
Generall of 
thisFleet: who 
died in the Isle 
ofBrava, and 
Simon de 
Coordes suc- 
ceeded. It is 
here called 
Peter Ver- 
hagens com- 
pany, because 
he was then 
chief of the 
Indian com- 
pany which set 
them forth. 

* 1600. 
Maurice Bay. 


of it ; there were many Parrots and faire Trees, where- 
upon they called it Summer-bay. On the nine and twen- 
tieth, they set sayle for wood and water to Port Famine. 
Heere the Land trends so farre to the South, that 
Pantagoms, and Terra Fuego seeme afarre off to joyne. 
Heere they found no foot prints of the late Philip-Citie, 
now liker a heape of stones. The Magellane strait is 
distant thence about foure Dutch miles. The hills on 
both sides are steep and high all the yeere-long covered 
with store of Snow. Here they cut downe wood to make 
them another Boat. The Barkes of the Trees in these 
parts bite like Pepper. But finding no good watering, 
and doubting also whether it were Philip-Citie, or Port 
Famine indeed, they departed, and after two miles found 
a good River, whence they had easie provision, on the 
first of December. The next day they passed to Cape 
Froward, which having doubled with great danger, by 
reason of unsafe anchorage and contrary wind, they 
anchored at eighteene fadomes, foure miles from thence 
in a great Bay. Heere was good watering, and an Herb 
like Neeswort, profitable against the Scorbute. Some 
Souldiers tasting of another Herb there growing, were 
well-nigh distracted for a time. A mile off they found 
a fit place to build their Boat, in which they spent twelve 
dayes. Here they had sight of Sebalt de Weert his Ship, 
one of Peter * Verhagens company, which with another of 
the same Fleet, had beene driven backe out of the South 
sea. Hee reported that he had spent above five moneths 
in the Strait, and lost by diseases, and otherwise, so many 
of his men, that of an hundred and ten, there were left 
but eight and thirtie, whence hee was not able to indure 
the stormes which assaulted him in the South sea, but was 
forced hither, when the rest of the Fleet better manned 
held on their course. Thus hard newes, stormes, and 
mutinies finished this moneth and yeare. 

On the second of Januarie * they made search of 
Maurice Bay, which they observed to extend farre to the 
East, and to receive store of Rivers flowing into it, at the 




mouthes whereof they found great store of Ice in their 1<^( "^^ '-^ . 

iudeement never melted. For soundingr ten fathomes ^f^'^i'"^!" 
J, o ,, 111 1 r° 1 • 1 • ii/r- 1 the straights. 

they could not reach the bottome thereof- , this their Mid- ^^^ ^^^^ 

summer season notwithstanding. They conjectured the report hath 

Land also to be broken Islands, which the height of the Weert. 

mountaines made to seeme continued and firme. They 

indured continuall raines, nor could get ought there but 

Muskles, which on the eighth they going to gather, the 

lesser Boat out-sailing her fellowes, two of her men were 

slaine and wounded by the Savages. Their weapons were 

heavie Clubbes, with 'Ropes tied to them, and long Darts 

of Wood. At the landing of the greater Boat they all 

fled. Having indured divers stormes, which indangered 

them on the Rocks in Meniste Bay, and some encounter Meniste Bay. 

of the Savages which had left three Canoas under a high 

hill, and with stones defended them from the Hollanders, 

they departed on the seventeenth day, and by a storme were 

driven into Goose Bay, three miles distant, so called of the Goose Bay. 

store of that Fowle there found fit for swimming and long 

diving, but unable to flie. Here the Vice-Admirall for 

divers misdemeanours, was by a Councell of Warre 

adjudged to be set on land, which was accordingly 

executed, where Famine, or wilde beasts, or wilder men 

must needs make an end of his mutinous unquiet life. 

On ithe first of Februarie they entred a new Bay, which 

they called Popish Bay, where the Admirall was like to Popish Bay. 

have perished on a sunken Rocke. Heere they had store 

of stormes, thunders, lightnings ; and Muscles in a broad 

River which runnes into it. On the seven and twentieth 

they had view of a huge mountain of Ice in Goose Bay. 

On the last of February they passed Cape Desire into the Cape Desire. 

South sea, with thanks to the Almighty for that happy 

swccesse. This sea was not so peaceable, but that it 

entertained -them with divers daies stormes, in which they 

lost their Boat. Their cornpany was now an hundred [I. ii. 74.J 

fortie seven. On the twelfth of March they lost sight of 

the Vice-admirall, whom having in vaine expected they 

went to ;the Hand La Mocha, in thirtie eight degrees, in la Mocha. 

" 193 N 


Cici drinke. 


the midst whereof is an high mountaine, cleaving it selfe 
in the toppe to yeeld waters to the subject valley. Here 
they bartered Hatchets and Knives for Sheep, Hennes, 
Maiz, Battalas, and other fruits. They went to the towne 
which hath some fiftie houses of strawe, long, with one 
doore, into which they might not be admitted. They gave 
them drinke called Cici, somewhat sowerish, made of 
Mays, which the toothlesse old women chew (supposing 
that the elder the Women are, the better shall their drinke 
be) and steepe it in water, reserving it for necessary use, 
and for their drunken feasts, drinking in a misordered 
order at the sound which one makes with his mouth, 
according to their Bacchanall mysteries, measuring to each 
his proportioned measure with unmeasurable dispropor- 
tion. They have many wives which they buy of their 
Parents, so that the Father of many daughters is the richest 
man. Their life is loose, scarcely subject to any law. If 
any kill another, the kinred of the slain revenge it, unlesse 
some intercessors prevaile to procure a yeerely Cici-festivall 
in recompence. The Inhabitants of Chili observe like 
customes. They are clothed above and belowe with 
garments made of the wooll of large Sheepe with long 
necks, which they use also to burthens, of which kind they 
would sell none to the Dutch, but of another fat kind not 
much unlike ours. This Island is about sixe miles from 
the Continent. From it eighteene miles lieth another, 
called S. Maries, in thirty seven degrees, and fifteene 

Island rich in minutes of Southerly latitude. Here they had sight of a 
Spanish shippe, which they chased and tooke. This ship 
they said was the Kings, sent with Lard and Meale to 
Arauco and Conception, where they have warre with the 
Indians. The Pilot certified them, that it was impossible 
for them to recover S. Maries, from whence they had 
chased this shippe to thirtie five degrees, by reason of the 
. . Southerly winds. They told them of two shippes of 
warre waiting for intelligence of their comming in Arica. 

Fal Paraiso. They hereupon presently determined for Val Paraiso, and 
so lost their Vice-admirall altogether : whom they sup- 


S. Maries an 



posed to have lost that Isle of S. Maries, by the wrong 
placing thereof in Plancius his Mappe, in thirty eight 
degrees, whereas it is in thirty seven degrees and fiftene 
minutes. They themselves had also beene deceived, but ^"'f *^ ^'^P^ 
for notes of Captaine Melis, the Englishman which they ^^^^^ ^^^ , 
had and followed. They heard also of Simon de Cordes Englishmen! 
his arrivaU there, who by a Spaniard dissembling amity, notes. 
was invited to land, and so betrayed to the Indians ^- ^dams 
butchery, with twenty three men, beeing mistaken for !!r*j^"T^7'' 
Spaniards, their heads set upon poles, and in a glorious ^^^ ;„ f^^ ' 
ostentation shewed to the Spaniards in Conception. The sameshipcame 
Spaniards made faire semblance of kindnesse, so to have '" Japon. 
possessed themselves of their two shippes, of which they 
sent notice to Lima, but the Hollanders mistrusting 
departed they knew not whither. The Spaniards in Lyma 
had received intelligence a yeere before their comming of 
the Hollanders, and of the names of their chiefe men, and 
provided themselves accordingly. 

In Val Paraiso or S. lago they tooke two shippes, and s. logo. 
slew many Indians, but the Spaniards were fled. This 
Val Paraiso is in three and thirtie degrees of the South 
latitude, and S. lago is from it eighteene miles within 
land, a Towne fertile of Wine much like Claret in tast 
and colour. There are plenty of Sheepe which they kill Sheep plenty. 
onely for their sewet, wherewith they lade whole shippes. 
The whole Countrey is fruitfiill. Here they received 
letters from Derick Gerritz, Captaine of the Flying Hart, 
one of Verhagens companie, who thinking to trade with 
the Spaniards there, having but nine sound men in his 
shippe, was suddenly assaulted, wounded, and imprisoned, 
where he wrote these miserable lines. His famine pro- 
ceeded from the missing of S. Maries Hand, upon that 
wrong placing in the Mappe aforesaid, so that meere 
famine brought him to these Straits. 

In S. lago they had intercepted Letters, which related ^"""f" 
the occurrents of the warres of Chili, the Indians rebelling / "'*?' , ^, . 
against the Spaniards, and forcing Baldivia, the foure and chili. 
twentieth of November, 1599. slaying and carrying away Baldivia. 


1 600, 


Fertility of 

[I. ii. 75.] 

La Guasco. 

Morre Gorch 
i^ M. 


captive the Inhabitants. Two hundred Spaniards sent 
from Lyma did againe there fortifie. The Indians likewise 
besieged the Citie Imperial, and had now almost famished 
the Spaniards. These Indians are good and expert 
souldiers, of which five thousand were in this expedition : 
three thousand of them Horsemen, skilfiill at their 
Launces, and an hundred Shot, seventie Costlets. All 
which furniture they had taken from the Spaniards in 
many victories. They so hate the Spaniards, that of 
whomsoever they kil, they plucke out his heart and bite 
it, and make drinking vessels of their skuls. They use 
Orations to incourage them to the maintenance of their 
pristine libertie against the Spanish tyrannie. They have 
one chiefe Captaine onely in time of Warre. The first 
choise of him in their first Spanish warre was in this sort : 
A heavy piece of timber was by all the Competitors carried 
on their shoulders, which while it wearied the most to 
beare five or sixe houres, one was found strong enough to 
endure it foure and twenty together, and thereby attained 
this Ducall honour. The Region of Chili, from S. lago 
to Baldivia, is the most fertile in the world, and of most 
wholesome ayre, insomuch that few are there sicke ; yea, 
a sword put up into the scabbard all wet with the dewe, 
doth not therewith rust. Fruits, Mays, Hogges, Horses, 
Kine, Sheepe, Goats, are plentiful! and wander in great 
herds, besides Gold-mines. In the sacke of Baldivia they 
burned Houses, Temples, Monasteries, and striking off 
the heads of their Images, cried, Downe goe the gods of 
the Spaniards. They thrust Gold into their mouthes, and 
bid them satiate themselves with that for which they had 
raised such persecutions, and of which they made such 
unsatiable prosecution. 

On the first of Aprill they entred the Bay La Guasco, 
and thence on the seventh departed. On the eleventh 
they came into a great nooke called Morre Gorch, tenne 
miles from which is Morre Morrene, from which the shore 
is extended to Aricca, all which tract to S. Francis hill is 
usually subject to Southwinds, and farre in the Sea the 





Intelligence of 
Gold in Saint 

Winde variable. On the twentieth, the aire was darke, 
that a man could not see above a stones cast. The cause 
was a cloud of dust like meale, which whited their clothes Cloud of dust. 
in like manner. The Spanish Pilot told them it was usuall 
in those parts, by them called Arenales. It lasted all day, 
and caused the Generall to loose his two other consorts 
till two dayes after. On the five and twentieth, they sawe 
Lyma bearing East from them. Here the Negroes con- 
fessed, that in one of the shippes which they had taken, 
the Captaine envying the Hollanders such wealth, when 
he saw hee could not escape, had throwne into the Sea 
three Boats loading of Gold. The Pilot being examined, 
confessed that there were two and fiftie Chests of Gold, 
whereof each had foure Aroben, and five hundred Pots, 
in each of which, was eight, tenne, or twelve pounds of 
Gold. He caused also everie man to bring foorth what- 
soever hee had and throw it into the Sea. This Gold came 
from Saint Maries Island, which three or foure Spaniards 
possessed imploying two thousand Indians in the Mine. 

On the nine and twentie, they espied two sayles, and 
gave them chase in vaine, those Ships built for that Sea 
(where from Panama to Lyma they sayle most-what against 
the wind which is usually constant) out stripping the 
Hollanders exceedingly. The twentieth of May, after 
that they had laboured in vaine to attaine the Isle of /. Coquos. 
Coquos in five degrees of Notherly latitude, they purposed 
to avoid the danger of the Spanish men of warre, whereof 
they had intelligence, to set sayle to the Ladicues, and 
thence to the Philippinas. Much raine they had in the 
way, not without this benefit to supply their want of water. 
The thirtieth of June, the Spanish Pilot was for ill 
demeanures, by publike sentence, cast over-boord. A 
prosperous wind happily succeeded. 

On the fifteenth of September, they had sight of the 
Ladrones. On the sixteenth, the Indians came in their 
Canoas, with Fish, Coquos, Bonnanas, Rootes, Sugar- 
canes, to barter for old pieces of yron : sometimes they 
might number two hundred of these Canoas, with two, 


Guana, an 
Island of the 



three, or five men in each, all crying Hiero, Hiero, that 
is, Yron, Yron, with greedinesse overturning their Canoas 
against the shippes side, which they regarded not, beeing 
expert swimmers, and could easily recover their Boats, 
goods, and selves. They were subtile deceivers, covering 
a Basket of Coquo shels, with a little Rice in the toppe, 
as if they had been full of Rice ; and upon fit opportunitie 
snatching a Sword out of the scabbard, and leaping into 
the Sea, where with deepe and long diving, they secured 
themselves from shot. The Women are herein equall to 
the men. They will fetch a piece of yron from the 
bottome of the Sea. Their Boats are neatly compact, of 
fifteene or twenty foot long, and ij. broad, wherewith 
they saile against the wind, and if they must turne, they 
never alter their sayle, but with the Poope cut the waves. 
Their women cover their privitie with a leafe, otherwise 
naked both men and women, like the pictures of Adam and 
Eve. They are libidinous, and have thereof many pockie 
testimonies. This Hand was called Guana, neither saw 
they any other. It was twentie miles large. These fruits 
were very comfortable to their sicke men of the Scorbute. 

Philifpina. On the seventeenth, they set sayle for the Philippinas. 
On the twentieth, they had Ice, being then in three 
degrees. Sixe weekes together they dranke only raine 
water. On the fourteenth of October, they espied land, 

Cape Sancto and thought, but falsly, that it had beene the Cape of the 

Spmto. Holy Ghost. On the sixteenth day, there came a Balsy 
or Canoa, and in the same a Spaniard, which fearing to 
come aboord, they displayed a Spanish flagge, and attired 
one like a Friar to allure him. Which taking effect, the 
Generall saluted him, and told him they were Frenchmen, 
with the Kings commission bound for Manilla, but want- 
ing necessaries, and not knowing where they now were, 
having lost their Pilot. The Spaniard answered, this place 

Bay la bay. was called Bay la Bay, seven or eight miles to the North, 
from the straight of Manilla. The Land was fertile, and 
hee commanded the Indians to bring Rice, Hogges, and 
Hennes : which was presently effected, and sold for readie 




Straight of 


money. His name was Henry Nunes. The next day 
Francisio Rodrigo, the Governour came to the Ship and 
did likewise. The Indians go most naked, their skinnes 
drawne out with indelible lines and figures. They pay 
for their heads to the Spaniard, tenne single Ryalls for 
every one above twentie yeeres old. There are few 
Spaniards, and but one Priest which is of great esteeme : 
and had they Priests enough, all the neighbour Nations 
would bee subject to the Spaniard. Being furnished with 
necessarie provision, and now also discovered, they 
departed for the Straight of Manilla, and were in no small 
danger of a Rocke the same night. This whole Tract is 
wast, barren, and full of Rockes. A storme of wind had 
almost robbed them the next day of their Masts and Sayles, [I. ii. 76.] 
which with such sudden violence assayled them from the 
South-East, that in their stormie and tedious voyage, they 
had not encountered a more terrible. On the three and 
twentieth, some went on Land, and eat Palmitos, and 
dranke water, after which followed the bloudie Fluxe, 
whether of this cause, or the landing after so long a being 
at Sea, uncertaine. The foure and twentieth, they entred 
the straight and sayled by the Island in the midst, and in 
the Evening passed by the Isle Capul, seven miles within 
the straight, neere which they found many Whirle-Pooles, 
which at first seemed Shoalds but they could find no 
bottome. The people were all fled. Heere they lost a 
Londoner, John * Caldwey, an excellent Musician sur- 
prized, as was suspected, by some insidiarie Indians ; 
whereupon they burned their Villages. Manilla is eightie 
miles from Capul, which now they left to attaine the other, 
but in a calme winde, with violent working of the waves, 
were much tossed without much danger, by reason of the 
depth. They wanted a Pilot, and their Maps were uncer- 

The seventh of November, they tooke a China Junke, 
laden with provision for Manilla. The owner was of 
Canton, the Master and Mariners of Chincheo. This 
Master was expert in the Portugall tongue, and their 



* Caldwey a 

trade yeerely . 
at Manilla. 







Japonian ships 
and men. 

There are 
some Francis- 
cans also. 


Indian affaires, which happened verie luckily to the Hol- 
landers ignorant of their course. These told them that 
in Manilla were two great Shippes, which from new Spaine 
yeerely sayled thither ; that there was also a Dutch Shippe 
bought at Malava : These ride before Manilla, and there 
are two Castles or Forts to secure them ; the Citie also 
walled about, and without it above fifteene thousand 
Chinois Inhabitants, occupied in marchandize and handy- 
crafts : And that foure hundred China Shippes come 
thither yeerly from Chincheo, with Silke and other precious 
marchandise, betwixt December and Easter. They added 
that two were shortly expected from Japon with Iron, 
other mettalls and victuaUs. On the fifteenth, they tooke 
two Barkes laden with Hennes and Hogges, which were 
to bee paid for tribute to the Spaniards, for which they 
gave them some linnen bolts in recompence. They passed 
by the Isle Bankingle, and another called Mindore, right 
against which is the Isle Lon-bou, two miles distant, and 
betwixt them both, is another lesser Island, neere which is 
safe passage for Ships. 

They agreed upon consultation to stay in expectation of 
the Japonian Ships, at an Anchor (for the East wind hath 
the Monarchy of that season in those parts) in fifteene 
degrees of North Latitude. The Isle Lusson is bigger 
then England and Scotland, to which many Islands 
adjoyne. The riches arise more out of trafficke, then fer- 
tilitie. On the third of December they tooke one of the 
Japon Ships of fiftie tunnes, which had spent five and 
twentie dayes in the voyage. The forme was strange, the 
forepart like a Chimney, the sayles of Reed, or Matt 
twisted, the Anchors of Wood, the Cables of Straw. The 
Japanders make themselves bald, except a tuft left in the 
hinder part of the head. The Jesuites have the managing 
of the Portugall trafficke in Japon, having made way 
thereto by their preaching, and are in reputation with 
their converts, as Demi-gods : neither admit they any other 
order of Religion to helpe them. The General! obtained 
at easie rate one of these woodden Anchors for his use, 




and some quantitie of provision. On the ninth, they 
tooke a Barke laden with Coquo Wine, like Aqua-vitae, 
the people all fled ; and another with Rice and Hennes. 

On the fourteenth, the Ships came from Manilla, and 
there passed betwixt them a Sea-fight. The Spanish 
Admirall came so neere, and was stored with men, that 
they entred the Dutch Admirall, and thought themselves 
Masters thereof, sixe or seven still laying at one Hol- 
lander : the Vice-Admirall also set upon the smaller Ship. 
All day the two Admiralls were fast together, and the tight with 
Dutch over-wearied with multitudes, were now upon point ^t">p''^d' ""^ 
to yeeld, when the Admirall rated their cowardise, and 
threatned to blow them up with Gun-powder presently. 
This feare expelled the other, and the dread of fire, added 
reall fire to their courages, insomuch that they renued the 
fight, and cleared the Ship of her new Masters, which had 
no lesse labour to cleare their owne Shippe from the Dutch, Dutch victory. 
which was no sooner done, but the Sea challenged her for 
his owne, and devoured her in one fatall morsell, into his 
unsatiable paunch. The people swamme about, crying, 
Misericordia, Misericordia, which a little before had cried 
in another dialect, Maina peros, Maina peros. Of these 
miserable wretches were two hundred, besides such as were 
before drowned or slaine. But the fire was almost as 
dangerous to the Dutch, as the water to the Spanish ; by 
often shooting, the Timbers being over-heat, threatned 
by light flames to make the Dutch accompanie the 
Spaniards into Neptunes entrailes. But feare awaked dili- 
gence, and diligence cast this feare also into a dead sleep, 
the blessed Trinitie in almost an unitie of time, diverting a 
trinitie of deaths, by yeelding, sinking, firing. But in 
this divine mercie, they forgate not their inhumane feritie 
to the swimming remainders of the enemie, entertaining 
them with Pikes, Shot, yea (especially a Priest in his 
habite) with derision. In the Shippe were five Spaniards 
found dead with silver Boxes about them, containing little 
consecrated Schedules, testimonies of great and bootlesse 
superstition, in which they exceed the Europaean Papists, 



[I. ii. 77.] 

Dutch P'tn- 
nasse taken. 



1 601. 


in the midst of Spaine and Rome. Five Hollanders were 
slaine and twentie six wounded in the fight, the whole 
company in the Ship being but five and thirtie. The 
Pinnasse had but five and twentie, and could not withstand 
the violence of five hundred armed men in the enemies 
Vice-Admirall, some Spaniards, some Indians, which after 
long fight tooke her. These two were the Mexican 
Shippes, which yeerely trade in the Philippinas for Silke, 
Gold, and Muske, with other commodities of China. 

Hence they departed for Borneo, to repaire the torne 
Ship, distant from Manilla one hundred and eightie miles, 
this being in five degrees, Manilla in fovirteene degrees 
forty five minutes, (Miles you must in aU this storie under- 
stand in the Dutch account.) They sayled by Bolutan, a 
great Island, one hundred and eightie miles long. On 
the sixe and twentieth they arrived at Borneo in a great 
Bay, containing some three miles in compasse, the water 
still, the ground good for ancorage, the neighbour River 
well stored with Fish, which the Fisher-men there dwelling 
changed plentifully for linnen clothes. The Generall sent 
to the King for license to trade. The people were very 
desirous of China peeces of linnen, which they had taken 
before Manilla, but little respected that which they brought 
out of Holland. On the eight and twentieth, the Pilot 
which hee had sent to the King returned, and a Praw of 
the Kings with him, in which were two brasse Peeces, and 
the Kings Banner. The Gunner was of Patana, in much 
repute with the King. He misdoubted that they were 
Spaniards, untill his officers had searched, and found the 
contrary. Here they traded for Pepper, with the Patanees, 
which seeme to bee of Chinese originall and observe their 
customes, inhabiting in a Region of their owne. Meane 
while they had learned that the Borneans intended treason 
toward them, and to begin the new yeare, Januarie first, 
1 60 1 . saw an hundred Prawes assembled, and under colour 
of presents from the King, they sought to enter the Ship, 
till the Dutch vigilance and threats made them give over 
their designe, with colourable excuses. A Patane was the 



author of this treacherie, which had slaine the Portugalls 
not long before, and taken their shippe, with like wile in 
unlike securitie. 

This Island Borneo, is one of the greatest in East India. Borneo Cape. 
The Citie of the same name, is scituate in a mirie soyle, and 
in their Praw they may passe from one house to another. 
It containeth three thousand houses, besides many fiirther 
up-land. It is very populous, the Inhabitants tall, subtle ; 
goe armed all of them be they poore Husband-men, or 
Fisher-men. Their armes are Bowes, Javelins pointed 
with Iron, Forkes, Quivers with venomed Darts, which 
poyson to death where they draw bloud. They are all 
Mahumetans, and will die sooner then taste of lard, neither 
keepe they any swine. They have many wives, those 
wittie, warie in trading, bold and couragious : one of them 
rudelier handled by a Hollander, with a Javelin had dis- 
patched him, if her force had not beene intercepted. They 
are clothed with linnen, from the wast downewards : the 
baser sort goe all naked : they weare on their heads a 
cotten Turbant. The King a child, was under a Protector. 
The Nobles are proud, grave, and much observed. In 
the midst of their Prawes stood a table with silver vessels, 
for their Bettele and Arecca, which they usually are chew- 
ing. Seeing little hope of trade, they determined to set 
sayle for Bantam. The third of Januarie, in the darke 
night foure Borneans came to the Ship, with purpose to 
cut the Cable, so to bring the Ship on ground : neither had 
they any more anchors but one left them on boord, and 
that one by which they road. But being perceived and 
shot at, they left their Praw, which the Hollanders tooke 
with them, having lost their Boat at Manilla. The next 
morning they set saile, and espying a Junke of Japan, 
learned of them that they were bound for Manilla, and 
forced for succour to Borneo, had spent foure moneths 
waiting for their voyage. The Captaine was Emanuel 
Powis a PortugaU, then dwelling at Languasacke in Japan, 
the Pilot a Chinese, the company Japanders. These told 
them of a great Holland Ship by tempests shaken, to have 



Adams an 
went chiefe 
Pilot in this 
Skip and lived 
above ttventie 
yeeres in 
Japan. Of 
him you may 
read more 
He lately died, 
as I heare, at 
Fizando, a 



[I. ii. 78.] 


put in at Japan, the company by famine and sickenesse all 
but fourteene dead. They came first to Bongo in thirtie 
foure degrees, fortie minutes, and by the Kings direction 
remooved to Atonza, in 36^^. They road there in safe 
harbour, with foure anchors, and had freedome of their 
persons and trade, and to make a new Ship to goe whether 
they would. They conjectured hereby that it was Ver- 
hagens his Admirall Ship of two hundred and fiftie 
Tunnes : being as this Captaine told them well furnished 
with Ordnance, Ryalls of eight, and commodities. The 
Generall desired this Captaine at his returne, to remember 
his kindest greeting to his Countrey-men, and after other 
kindnesses departed, having given him a Passe at his 
request, in the name of Grave Maurice. On the thirteenth 
they passed the line the third time. They sayled at this 
time in much feare and danger for want of a Pilot, and 
good Cards. On the sixteenth they tooke a Junke of Jor, 
and furnished themselves with a skilfuU Pilot out of hers, 
without whom he had small likelihood in those dangerous 
Seas to have escaped shipwracke. The Islands were many, 
Banta, Crimati (which yeelds Diamonds, which they sell at 
Malacca) and others, besides sholds. They had now but 
one Anchor left, and the Cable thereof worne and weake. 
On the twentie eight they came to Jortan, and heard of 
Holland Ships at Bantam. Heere they bought Mace and 
provision. Jortan hath a thousand houses all of Timber. 
The King was absent at Passarvan, five yeres before he 
had besieged Balamboa, & destroyed the King with all his 
kindred. He is also called King of Sorbay, a Citie not 
far distant, all which foure Cities are Mahumetan, and 
very rigid in that swinish superstition. The Pagodes 
and Idols argue permission of Ethnike, & ancienter Indian 
Rites. The chiefe Priest resides in a place without the 
Citie of Jortan, a man of an hundred and twentie yeres, 
which hath many wives to keepe him warme, & with 
their milke to nourish him, eating no other meat. De- 
parting hence, they saw a great Portugall Ship of sixe 
hundred Tunnes set fast on the shoalds, which was going 




to Amboyna, to fortifie there against the Inhabitants, and Amboyna. 
to prohibite all other Nations trade. The fift of Februarie, 
they passed the straight betwixt Balamboa and Baly. And Baly. 
leaving Java North East from them, on the eleventh day 
they round themselves in thirteene degrees, & directed 
their course to Cape Bona Esperanza. On the eighteenth, 
the Sunne was right over them at noone, in the eleventh ^»»f'«''^«'' 
degree, twentie minutes, and a calme continued tenne 
dayes. The nineteenth of March, the height was twenty 
foure degrees, fortie five minutes, and on the foure and 
twentieth, twentie eight degrees, tenne minutes. On the 
first of April, thirtie degrees, fiftie minutes. On the nine- 
teenth, the calmes and crosse windes caused a set allowance 
of water to be proportioned. On the twentie-fourth at Note. 
night they saw a light like fire about foure miles to the 
North- West, whereby they were by Gods grace preserved 
fi:om hazard. For by their reckoning they held them- 
selves two hundred miles distant from the Cape, whereas 
this fire gave notice of land neere. The next day their 
height was thirtie foure degrees, and thirtie five minutes. 
The calmes gave them license to mend their Sayles. At 
night they saw another fire, and the next morning land, 
bearing North Easterly. On the twentie seven they were 
in thirtie foure degrees and fortie minutes, within sixe or 
seven miles of the said land. 

May the second, they were in thirtie five deg. fifteene 
minutes, & the next morning betwixt East and North, 
had sight of a low land like the end of some Island about 
sixe miles off in eightie fathome, whereby they thought 
themselves neere the Cape. The Winde being at East 
they made Westward, and shaped their course for Saint Saint Helena. 
Helena in fifteen degrees fiftie eight minutes, where on 
the sixe and twentieth they arrived and refi-eshed them- 
selves with fresh water, store of fish, and some flesh, for 
the Goates and Fowles are wilde and hardly taken. They 
found no Oranges. On the thirtieth day they departed, 
and June the fourteenth, they passed the Line the fourth 
time. On the sixteene day they encountred sixe Dutch 




Fkres and 

ships, the Generall whereof was James Heemeskerk, bound 
for the East Indies. They had spent two monethes on the 
way, and lost their Vice-Admirall and Pinnace, having 
fought with thirteene Spanish Ships neere the Salt Hands. 
The Pinnace was taken, the other (they hoped) escaped. 
July the eight, they were in twentie seven degrees, and 
Weedie Sea. had Store of Weedes in the Sea called Saragossa. On 
the thirteenth were in thirtie two degrees, thirtie minutes, 
and then had fifteene dayes calme, and the Sea all full of 
Weed. On the twentie two they were driven to allowance 
of their Worme-eaten Bread. 

August the first they were in fortie degrees, and left 
Flores and Corves to the West some forty five miles. On 
the eleventh they saw a Ship, and making toward it in 
vaine, they shot off a Peece, and strooke their maine saile : 
whereupon the Ship stayed, and signified the same by a 
shot, which when these would answere, the Peece broke 
and cut of the Guns foote, killed his Boy and brake the 
maine Mast in three pieces, whereupon they were forced 
to make a new. The other Ship passed from them. 
Three Ships of Embden encountred them on the eigh- 
teenth, and gave them bread and flesh for Pepper and 
Rice : and told them they were not yet attayned so neere 
England as their Master supposed, which had promised 
the Lysart the day before. On the nineteenth they had 
sight of the Sorlings. On the twentie five they had like 
to runne on ground by the Brill, and the next day anchored 
at Amsterdam. 

Adams his 
comming to 
loweth after in 
the next Book. 

Of Sebald De Wert his Voyage to the South Sea, 
and miserie in the Straights nine Moneths, 
wherein William * Adams Englishman was 
chiefe Pilot. 

BEcause mention is made of Verhagens' Fleete, which 
passed the Straights a little before Noort I have 
thought good to adde somewhat touching that Voyage, 
Anno 1598. five Ships of Amsterdam The Hope Admirall 




of two hundred and fiftie Tunnes with one hundred & 
thirtie persons. The Charitie Vice-Admirall of one hun- 
dred and sixtie Tunne, with an hundred and ten men. 
The Faith, of one hundred and sixtie Tun, with one 
hundred and nine men. The Fidelitie, of one hundred 
Tun with fourescore and sixe men. The Good Newes, 
of threescore and fifteene Tun with fiftie six men fur- 
nished with all necessarie provision, (Sir Jaques Mahu 
being Generall, Simon de Cordes Vice-Admirall, Benning- 
hen, Bockholt and Sebalt de Wert, the three Captains of the 
three other Ships) set saile June the seven and twentieth. 
And after much a-do & little helpe at the Islands of Cape 
Verd where they lost their Generall, to whom Cordes 
succeeded and received Oath a-new of his Companie (as 
did each other Captaine of his owne Ship, being removed 
in successive order) they were forced by their owne wants 
and the Portugall wiles, the Scorbute or Scurvie also 
infecting and infesting every Ship, to depart with in- 
tent to refresh their men and make better provision [I- »■ 79-] 
of water and other necessaries at the Isle Anno 
Bueno, or Anobon. But espying land unexpected a Jf^j^^""" 
hundred and twentie miles or more sooner then their 
reckoning about three degrees of South Latitude, they 
determined to goe to Cape Lopo Consalves. The 
people of Guinnee as they passed along the Coast 
yeelded a pedling Trade. The sicke men were set on 
shore the tenth of November. On the three twentieth a 
I^rench Sayler came abord, which promised to doe them all 
favour with the Negro King. To him was sent Captaine 
Wert, who found him on a Throne scarsly one foot high 
with a Lambes skinne under his feet, his Garment of violet 
coloured cloth with guilded lace, attyred like a Rower, 
without shirt, shooes, or stockings, having a particoloured 
cloth on his head and many glasse Beades about his necke ; 
attended with his Courtiers adorned with Cockes Feathers. 
The Palace was not comparable to a Stable. His provi- 
sion was brought him by women, a few rosted Plantans, 
and smoke dryed Fish in Wooden Vessels, with Wine of 




Palme in such sparing measure, that Masinissa and the 
renowmed Examples of Temperance might have been this 
Negro's Disciplesw Once, the Dutch Captaine was faine 
(under colour of courtesie to show the King his manner 
of Dyet) to call for some of his Holland provision to 
satisfie his barking, and thus more provoked entrailes. 
But in the Spanish Wine the Guinean forgot his Temper- 
ance and was carryed to his rest. Little refreshing was 
here to be had. A Bore and two BufFals they kiUed in 
the Woods : a little they bought, a few Birds they tooke, 
and (which worse was) as the Scorbuto forsooke the sicke, 
Fevers possessed the stronger. On the eight of December 
they departed, and on the sixteenth arrived at Annobon. 
Some provision they got there by force, and that scurvie 
exchange of the Scurvie and Fever, and lost by sicknesse 
Thomas thirtie men, amongst which Thomas Spring an English 

Ihhmantnfhis Y°^E "^^^ of g^^at towardnesse. In the beginning of the 
Voyage. yeare 1599. they departed for the MageUane straits. In 

the tenth of March in fortie two degrees, the Sea was all 
red as if it had beene mixed with bloud, being full of red 
Wormes, which taken up leaped like Fleas. On Aprill the 
sixt they entred the straights. At Pinguine Islands they 
stored themselves with thirteene or fourteene hundred. 
On the eighteenth they anchored in the Greene Bay in 
fiftie foure degrees, where they had fresh Water and large 
Muscles. Here they stayed till the three and twentieth 
of August in a perpetuall stormie Winter, and lost a 
hundred of their Companie. Alway the storme found 
them worke, and miserable was their toyle without any 
fiirtherance to their intended Voyage. Raine, Winde, 
Snow, Hayle, Hunger, losses of Anchors, spoyles of Ship 
and Tackling, Sicknesse, Death, Savages ; want of store, 
and store of wants, conspired a^fulnesse of miseries. But 
specially colde increased their appetite ; and this deaeased 
their Provision and made them seeke out for supply. On 
the seventh of May, they went to take Gudgeons towards 
the South over against the'Greene Bay, and their descryed 
Giant!. seven Canoas of wilde men, of ten or eleven foot as they 



conjectured in stature with red bodies and long haire, 
which amazed the Dutch, and terrified them with stones 
and cryes, and after got into their Boates againe to assaile 
them, but seeing foure or five fall downe dead with 
Dutch Thunder, they fledde to Land and plucking up 
bigge Trees, barricadoed themselves, and threw stones at 
the Hollanders, which their left them in their sudden 
erected Fort. But afterwards three of their Companie 
were slaine, who in seeking food for life, found death at the 
hand of naked Savages, whose weapons were Saw-toothed 
Darts, which if they entred, must be cut out of the flesh. 
This Greene Bay they called the Bay of Cordes, for their 
long stay. In another Bay called the Horse Bay, they 
erected a new Guild or Fraternitie, which Societie bound 
themselves by Oath to certaine Articles, which was done 
with more solemnitie of Ceremonie then prosperous effect. 
They styled it the Fraternitie of the freed Lion. The 
Generall added sixe choice men to himselfe in this Societie 
and caused their names to bee carved in a Table fastened 
on high Fillers, to be seene of all Passengers, which was 
defaced, neverthelesse by the Savages who also plucked 
out the Corpses from the Graves and dismembred them, 
and carried one away. On the third of September, they 
passed out of the straight and continued till the seventh, 
when Captaine Wert was forced by a storme to stay, and 
the Faith and Fidelitie were left behind in much Miserie, 
Tempest, Hunger Leaks, &c. the death of their 
Master also attending the losse of their Company, 
& thus in the end of the Moneth entred the straights 
againe. Straights againe, indeed, for in two Moneths 
they had not one faire day to dry their Sayles. The 
Faith lost the foureteenth of October two Anchors. 
Their troubles left Name of Perillous Bay, to one place 
of their miserie, and to another. Unfortunate, which yet 
followed them to everie place not without Divine assist- 
ance and deliverance. The Devill added also Mutinie 
in this miserable Companie, and Theeverie. They 
tooke a Savage woman with two children one halfe 
II 209 o 


* Sebaldina 
3. Hands not 
mentioned in 
[I. ii. 80.J 

Brave and 

Abrolhos dan- 
gerous sands. 


yeare old, yet able to goe readily and having all the teeth. 
Their lothsome feeding with the bloud running out of 
their mouthes, I loath to rehearse. Here they met with 
Generall Noort, his men lustie, but not able to spare them 
any reliefe. After a world of straights in the Straights 
too long to recite, they depart thence the two & twentieth 
of Januarie 1600. & arrived in the Maes, the fourteenth 
of July. Without the straights homeward in fiftie degrees 
and fortie minutes, they saw three Hands threescore miles 
from land stored with Penguins, called * Sebaldinas of the 

Chap. VI. 

The Voyage of George Spilbergen, Generall of a 
Dutch Fleet of sixe Shippes, which passed by 
the Magellane straits, and South Sea, unto the 
East Indies, and thence (having encompassed 
the whole Circumference of the Earth) home : 
gathered out of the Latine Journall, beeing 
the fift Circum-Navigation. 

N the eight of August, 16 14. they set 
forth from the Tessell. After much 
tempestuous weather, on the third of 
October they attained the height of 
Madera. On the tenth they lost sight of 
the Canaries. On the twentie third, they 
had sight of the Islands Brave and Fogo. 
From the thirtieth of October, to the seventeenth of 
November, was a continuall calme, with many showres. 
And they were forced to stint every man his Water. 
December the ninth, they gave thankes to the Almightie, 
because they had passed the dangerous sands of Abrolhos. 
On the thirteenth, we saw Brasil, and by reason of sholds 
the Great Sunne shot off, to give warning to the rest not 
to come very neere the shore. On the twentieth, they 
came to the Islands Grandes, where they anchored, and 
went on shore. They tooke much fish, and amongst 




them small Crocodiles, of the bignesse of a man. On 
the thirtieth, whilest they stayed to refresh their sicke men 
on shore, hearing the Huntsman (one of their ships) to 
discharge so often, they sent to see, and found that five 
Barkes of Portugals and Indians had set upon three boats, 
and slaine the men ; whereupon they assailed them, but 
others came in to their succour, and frustrated the attempt. 

Anno 161 5. January the first, a conspiracie of certaine 
mutinous persons was found out, for which two were 
executed, beeing hanged up at yard arme, shotte through 
with sixe Muskets, and buried on shore, the Preacher 
having all the night before laboured to fit them for a 
more happy life : others were put in irons, and distributed 
to diverse shippes. Before their departure, they called a 
Councell, and ordained, that if any ship lost the rest, they 
should set up a marke in Cordes Haven, or some other 
usuall landing place, and how long they should stay for 
each other, and after should hasten to La Mocha. They 
agreed to remoove thence for want of meet pro- 
vision for their sicke, to the Isle of S. Vincent. There 
the Portugals delayed, and dallied with them trifling 
away time. On the twenty sixth, they tooke a Barke 
with eighteene Portugals, whom they denied to exchange 
for fewer Hollanders, although they offered also many 
fayre Manuscripts, Pictures, Plate, and other things taken 
in the prize, pertaining to the Jesuites. They found also 
that intelligence of them had been given by some traitors 
of their owne Country-men out of Holland. And thus 
in the beginning of February they departed, freeing foure 
of their Captive Portugals, detaining the rest, for one of 
which also, another Portugall had offered himselfe, with 
divers petty presents, pretending himselfe a Batchelour, 
and the other his kinsman to have wife and children ; but 
was not accepted. They burned the Prize, and some 
buildings pertaining to the Portugals, and had well fur- 
nished themselves with Oranges and Pome-citrons. 

March the seventh, a cruell storme encountred them, 
in 52. degrees, and sixe minutes, which continued diverse 

1 615. 



*A Giant. 

dayes, and separated them. And on the one and twentieth, 
a worse storme happened amongst some mutinous persons, 
and some of them (to still that tempest) were cast into 
the Sea, by the better part getting the better. It was the 
eight and twentieth before they entred the strait, whence 
the winde and tide forced us out. Some by contrariety 
of windes, desired to winter in Port Desire, others to hold 
their course to the Cape of Good Hope. 

Aprill the second, they reentred and anchored, because 

Bholds in the of sholds, one of which they sounded next day a quarter 
of a league over, and found but five Cubits water. They 
saw here a man * of Giantly stature, climbing the hils to 
take view of them. This was in the land of Fogo, or 
Fire, which is the South of the strait. On the seventh, 
they went on shore, found no men, but two Ostriges, and 
a great River of fresh water, with store of shrubs with 
sweete blacke berries. On the South-side they found 
pleasant woods full of Parrots, in fiftie foure degrees, the 
mountaines full of snow. They called one place Pepper- 
haven, of the barke of a tree there, biting like Pepper. 
On the sixteenth, they conferred with the Savages, and 
gave them Sacke, and certaine Knives, for Pearles joyned 
together in fashion of homes. But some of the com- 
panie going on May day on shore, to take certaine goodly 
Birds, were surprized by some of the Savages, and two 
slaine. On the sixt, they passed into the South sea, not 
without terror both from the depth in the way the day 
before, scorning the law of anchorage, and after that the 
dangerous sholds and Islands, betwixt the Northern and 
Southern jawes of the not straight Mouth of the Straits, 
opening into the wide Sea. They were welcomed into 
this Peaceable Sea, with a terrible storme, which they 
feared would have split them on the Sorlings (so for like- 
nesse to ours they called the Islands in that sea a little 
without the straits.) These straits are dangerous for 

[I. ii. 81.] high Hands, sholds, and want of ancorage. Also tedious 
stormes attended their ingresse and egresse. On the one 
and twentieth, they had sight of Chili and La Mocha. 





This Island is low and broad to the North, full of rockes 
to the South. On the twentie sixth they sent out boats 
to traffique with the people ; the Governour and his sonne 
dined with the Admirall, and seemed glad to see such 
munition against the Spaniards, as likewise did all the 
Chilesians at sight of their training and mustering their 
Souldiers. They exchanged Hatchets, Corall, and the 
like, for great plenty of Sheep, of which they had two for 
one Hatchet, with great curtesie. But they brought all 
to the Boat, nor would suffer any to goe to their Houses, 
jealous, it seemes, of their wives. One of these sheep 
was of legs, and necke very long, hare-mouthed, and 
bunch-backed, which they use for carriage and culture as 
asses. They had many Hennes and other Fowles. On 
the twenty seventh we set sayle, and twentie eighth came 
neere the shore, hard by the Island of S. Mary, broken 
and rockie. On the twenty ninth, we came to harbour 
therein. A Spaniard came aboord them, having a pledge 
left for him. But inviting them to a dinner on shore, one 
of the boats espied a convoy of Souldiers, tending to that 
place where they should dine : wherupon they returned 
aboord, with the Spaniard prisoner. The next morning 
they went on shore with three Ensignes. The Spaniards 
set their Church on fire, and fled. In the skirmish two 
Hollanders were wounded, and foure Spaniards slaine. 
Their houses built of Reed, yeelded a goodly flame. They 
found store of Hennes, tooke five hundred sheepe, with 
other spoile. Here they understood of three Ships which 
had departed thence in Aprill to seeke these Dutch Ships, 
furnished with a thousand Spaniards, the Admirall having 
fortie Brasse Pieces, the rest proportionable. Hereupon 
the Dutch determined now to seeke them, in the Isle of 
Conception, and after that in Valparisa, and then on the 
shore of Arica. The Spaniard also reported of the like 
preparation in Lima, having Dutch Gunners. They 
enacted certaine orders of Militarie discipline, how each 
Ship, and each person should carry himselfe in the fight, if 
they encountred the enemie, and to die rather then yeeld. 




June. June the first, they set sayle, and passed not farre from 

Auroca, a Towne with five hundred Spaniards in Garrison, 
continually assaulted by the Chilesians. On the third, 
they approached the Isle Quiriqueynam, neere the Con- 

Conception tinent, and behind it came up to the Towne of Conception, 

Island tn therein besides many Indians were two hundred Spaniards. 

40. min"' ^^ *^^ twelfth, they entred the safe rode of Valparisa. 
There was a Spanish ship, on which the Mariners set fire, 
and fled. On the thirteenth, they had at none thirty two 
degrees, fifteene minutes, and in the afternoone came to 
the faire and secure Harbour of Quintero. They went 
on shore, and sawe many wilde Horses which fled. Here 
they watered, and tooke many fish, and for wood and 
other things found the place very commodious. Every 
where Fame had beene their over-hasty Harbenger, which 
caused Spanish preparation for an unwelcome intertain- 
ment, so that no matter of weight was effected. 

July. July the second, they came to Arricca, in twelve degrees, 

and fortie minutes. Whether the silver is brought from 
Potosi, and carried thence to Panama. But finding no 
ships there, they departed. On the tenth, they had a 
calme and raine, not without wonder, because the Prisoner 
had reported a perpetual serenitie or fairenesse of weather 
in those parts. On the sixteenth, they tooke a small 
shippe, with some store of Treasure, most of which was 
embezelled by the Mariners. They tooke out the com- 
modities, and sunke her. They had sight of eight saile, 
which the Spanish Master of the former Shippe said, was 
the Fleet-Royall, come forth to seeke the Hollanders, 
against the minde of the Counsell of Peru, which would 
rather have had them stay. But Roderigo de Mendoza, 
the Vice-Royes kinsman and Admirall, conceited of him- 
selfe, sayd that two of his shippes would take all England, 
how much more those Hennes of Holland, after so long 
a journey which had spent and wasted them : yea, he was 
sure they would yeeld to him at the very first. Where- 
upon the Vice-Roy bid him, Goe and bring them bound 
unto him, and Mendoza sware he would never returne 



till they were taken or slaine. Thus he departed out of 
the road of Calliou, on the eleventh of July. The Jesu 
Maria Admirall, had twentie foure brasse Pieces, foure 
hundred and sixtie men of all sorts, and had cost the King, 
158000. Ducats. The Vice-admirall S. Anne, had three 
hundred men, the Captaine Alvares de Piger, which had 
taken an English ship in the South sea before ; this ship 
had stood the King in 1 50000. Ducats, and was the fairest 
that ever was seene in tJhe Indies. The Carmer had eight 
brasse Pieces, two hundred Souldiers and Mariners, 
besides the Commanders and their retinew. To it was 
the next not next but equall, the S. James. The Rosary 
had one hundred and fiftie men, and foure brasse Ord- 
nance. The S. Francis had no Ordnance, but seventie 
Musketiers, and twentie Mariners. Saint Andrew had 
eightie Musketiers, and twentie five Mariners. The eight 
was sent after the rest, uncertaine with what fiarniture. 

July the seventeenth they came neere each other in the 
Evening, and the Dutch Admirall sent word to the 
Spanish, if he pleased to forbeare fight that night. But 
Roderigo could not be so patient, but about ten of the 
clocke set upon the great Sunne, in which the Admirall 
himselfe was, and exchanged mutuall Thunders on both 
sides. The Saint Francis being next raked thorow by 
the Sunne, by the Hunter (another Holland ship) was sent 
into a waterie Mansion and perpetuall Night. She was 
presently assaulted by the Spanish Admirall, and had soone 
followed to triumph over the Francis, her new Conquest 
in the Chanels bottome, had not her Admirall succoured 
her with a Boate fill of men, and caused the Vice-Admirall 
to do the like. The Admiralls Boat mistaken was by a 
Peece from the Huntsman drowned, one man alone 
escaping. The next morning five ships sent word to the 
Admirall, that they would do their best to escape : but 
the Dutch Admirall and Vice-Admirall set upon the 
Spanish Admirall and Vice-Admirall, and entered a bloudie 
fight ; the iEolus another Holland ship came in also. The 
two Spanish ships were fastened together and gave greater 



The Fleet 

Sir Richard 
Hawkins, in 
which fight he 
was a Cap- 
taine but not 

A Sea fight by 

[I. ii. 82.] 



advantage. At last they forsooke the Vice-Admirall, and 
leapt into the Admirall, not finding therein above fiftie 
persons alive, as by their Confessions after appeared. 
Meane while they hung out a white flag of Peace, which 
was divers times plucked in by the Gentlemen, chusing 
rather to dye then yeeld. The Dutch pressing them, the 
Vice-Admirals men returned againe and renewed the fight, 
and the Dutch Vice-Admirall was in great perill, the 
Spaniards leaping into her out of their Admirall, but 
repelled or slaine. And the Spanish Admirall not further 
enduring fled, and by benefit of night escaped the pursuit 
of the Dutch Admirall : if out of the fire into the water 
be an escape. For such was the fame that she went to 
visit the Saint Francis, as also was said of another of them 
called the Saint Mary. The Vice-Admirall and .Slolus 
bestirred them so with fierie Rhetorikes and yron Disputes, 
that the Spanish Vice-Admirall past hope of escaping set 
up a flag of Truce. The Dutch Vice-Admirall sent two 
Boats to bring the Commander abord. But he refused, 
saying, he would stay that night except the Vice-Admirall 
himselfe would fetch him : or send some Captaine to 
remaine in pledge, and rather desired death then disgrace. 
One of the tEoIus men in this while had taken away their 
flag, and the Boats departed, ten or twelve staying aboord 
contrarie to command that they might bee first in the 
spoile. They did together with the Dutch what they 
could doe in the night to preserve the ship from sinking, 
but seeing their labour vaine, they lighted many lights 
and with horrible clamours for helpe, were of the relent- 
lesse Sea swallowed up in the Hollanders sight. The next 
morning they sent out foure Boates which found thirtie 
swimming on the bords, crying for mercie, which to some 
of the chiefe they shewed leaving the rest to the Seas 
crueltie, or preventing it by humane inhumanitie, some of 
the Dutch against command, slaying some Spaniards. 
The Commander, or Vice-Admirall had perished before of 
his wounds. Some fortie Dutchmen were wounded and 
sixteene slaine in those three ships. In the rest eighteene 




wounded, and foure and twentie slaine. The same day 

they went for Caliou de Lima, but the Calme suffered The Admirall 

them not. The twentieth they passed by the Hand and "jj^il'^H ^f 

saw in the Haven fourteene ships going to and fro neere j^^ Spaniards 

the shore, but could not come neere for the shold : and both sunke. 

therefore went to the Road of Caliou de Lima to seeke for 

the Spanish Admirall, whom afterwards they learned in 

Guarme and Peyta to have beene sunke. From the shore 

the Spaniards shot off their great Ordnance, one of which 

carried a Bullet of thirtie sixe pound, and had almost 

sunke the Huntsman. They saw also on shore a great 

Armie in which the Vice-roy himselfe was present with 

eight Troupes of Horse, and foure thousand foot : they 

agreed to goe backe out of the reach of their shot and cast 

anchor at the mouth of the Haven, where they stayed to 

the five and twentieth with intent to take some of their 

ships, but in vaine, they being lighter of saile. On the 

sixe and twentieth they tooke a little Barke laden with 

Salt, and eightie Vessels of Sirrup, the men all fled. They 

ordered that if they met with the fleet of Panama, in 

regard they were in the enemies Countrey, where they 

could not repayre their losses, & were also bound to the 

Manillas, that they would not give audacious on-sets, and 

should take heed of being separated, which had much 

endangered them in the last fight : and if any hostile ship 

should yeeld, the Masters & chiefe Officers should not 

forsake their owne ships, but cause the enemie to come 

in Boats aboord them, lest confusion, as lately through 

greedinesse of spoyle, should happen. The seven and 

twentieth they set sayle : the eight and twentieth, they 

came to the Roade of Guarme, in ten degrees, beyond the 

Line, a pleasant place with a large Haven. Neere unto 

it is a Lake of standing water. They went on shore but 

found the people all fled who had left little pillage. Some 

Hennes, Oranges, Hogges and Meale they tooke. 

August the third they dismissed some of their Spanish Aupist. 
Prisoners. They passed betwixt the He Loubes (so called 
of certaine fishes) and the continent. The eight they cast 




Anchor neere to Peyta. The ninth they set three hundred 

men on shore, which after a few skirmishes returned 

// consisted of aboord, the Citie being too strongly defended. They 

J^"^ j^^^' tooke an Indian ship of strange sayles, with sixe lustie 

together, as in 

the Picture of 
the Latine 
Booke is seene. 

[I. ii. 83.] 

Relations of 
the Govern- 
ment of Peru, 
and of the 
Citie of Kings, 
or Lima. 

Indians which had beene two moneths a fishing, and had 
many delicate fishes dryed which they distributed thorow 
the Fleet. The tenth the ^olus, Lucifer, and Huntsman 
battered the Towne with their Ordnance, and sent a 
greater number of men on shore, which found the Citie 
forsaken and the people with their goods fled to the 
Mountaines. They sent five of their Indians on shore to 
get fruits and to learne more certaintie of the Spanish 
AdmiraU, which brought word of her buriall in the waves, 
only sixe escaping. The Indians also brought the Letters 
of Captaine Caspar Caldron to Paula the Commendators 
Wife of Peyta, who had fled to the Towne of Saint 
Michael twelve leagues from shore. Shee sent the Hol- 
landers in commiseration of the Captives, many Citrons 
and Oranges with other provision. This Woman both 
for Beautie, Wisdome, and Vertue, is of singular reputa- 
tion in all those parts. 

Peyta to the Sea-ward is strong and impregnable. 
There were in it two Churches, one Monasterie and many 
goodly Buildings, an excellent Haven to which all the 
ships of Panama resorted, and then they passed by Land 
to Caliou de Lima, because of the perpetuall rage of both 
Elements, the Windes and Waters in that place. They 
tooke in the Isle Loubes, two foules of admirable great- 
nesse, in the beake, wings and talons not unlike the Eagle, 
necked somewhat like a Sheepe, their heads combed as a 
Cocke : they were two elles in height, and three in breadth 
when their wings were displayed. 

They learned of Pedro de Madriga of Lima, that Peru, 
Chili, and Terra firma, are commanded by John de Men- 
doza Marquesse Des Montes Claros, the Vice-Roy: 
which Office the King conferreth for sixe or eight yeares 
with yeerely allowance of fortie thousand Duckets, adding 
further a thousand Pesos for extraordinary expenses in 




the Feast of Christmas, Epiphanie, S. Spirito and Easter, 
each of twelve Rials and halfe, because at those times he 
is to entertaine all the CounseUers of the Audience : two 
thousand Pesos also yeerely when hee furnisheth the Silver 
Fleete. The Vice-Roy is served with great Pompe in 
his Palace, goeth not forth without his Guard or Pen- 
sioners, and if he goeth into the Countrey, hath a hundred 
Lances, (which have eight hundred Pesos stipend) and 
fiftie Muskets (which have foure hundred Pesos yeerely) 
attending. There are foure Courts or Audiences, in 
Panama, Quito, Charlas, Lima : one also in Chili. In 
them are the Kings CounseUers, to whom both Civill & 
Criminall Causes are committed ; but with appellation in 
Civill Cases to the Ojidors, (certaine Commissioners) and 
in Criminall to the Alcalds. These all goe in one Habit, 
and are allowed three thousand Pesos annuaU Pension. 

The Vice-Roy resideth in the Citie of Kings or Los S« M. Ellis 
Reyes, called also Lima, situate in a pleasant Valley, ^'"'^f'-'^'fL 
extended a mile and halfe in length, in breadth three Tractate 
quarters, having above a hundred thousand Inhabitants, prefer to 
besides Merchants of other places. It hath foure Market America. 
places. There are two thousand Indian Artificers dwelling 
in the Cercado. Here resides the Archbishop Bartholmew 
Lobo Guorero, which hath sixtie thousand Pesos of 
Revenue. The chiefe Temple hath foure and twentie 
Prebends, one Archdeacon, besides Schoolemasters and 
other Priests. There are foure principall Pastors, to each 
of which are assigned fifteene thousand Pesos. Besides 
this Temple of Saint John Evangelist are foure other, one 
of Saint Marcellus, with two Pastors and a thousand Pesos 
revenue : the second of Saint Sebastian, the third of Saint 
Anne, with like stipend ; the fourth is an Hospitall of 
Orphans, with five hundred Pesos. Monasteries here are F'x're Mtnas- 
of Saint Francis, of Saint Dominicke, and of Saint Augus- *"^^* 
tine, and of our Ladie de las Meriedes, each of which hath 
two Cloysters of their owne Order, that of Saint Francis 
three, to wit, one of bare-foot Friers of our Ladie of Guada- 
lupe. They have there two CoUedges of Jesuites which 




M. Ellis saith 
they are 

* This seemes 
spoken of 

* These the 
bring in by 
course, some at 
one time, and 
some at 
saith, this pub- 
lication of the 
Popes Indul- 
gences is worth 
to the King of 
Spaine yeerely 



the Spaniards call Teatines,* both there and in Europe. 
In each chiefe Monasterie are two hundred and fiftie 
Religious. There are five Monasteries of Nuns, called 
of the Incarnation, Conception, Trinitie, Saint Joseph, and 
Saint Clare. Our Ladie also hath her Temple by the 
title of Monserrat, & del Prado & de Loretto. They have 
foure Hospitals for the poore of Saint Andrew, in which 
are foure hundred sicke, of Saint Anna for the Indians, of 
Saint Peter for the Ecclesiasticks, of Charitie for women : 
another of Saint Spirito for Saylers, and one of Saint 
Lazaro for inveterate diseases. There are sixe hundred 
Priests, and a thousand students. 

Allowance is given to twentie foure in the Kings Col- 
ledge by the King, to as many in Saint Torines by the 
Archbishop. There are further reported to be two hun- 
dred Doctors in the Universitie of all faculties. The pro- 
fessors receive of the King a thousand Pesos pension. 
The two professors of Civil! Law, have each sixe hundred 
Pesos. There are foure hundred Masters of Art. Everie 
yeare they chuse a new Rector or Chancellor. In this 
Citie and the Suburbes are above twentie thousand slaves. 
There are seene more women then men. The Indians* 
are free as well as the Spaniards, saving that they pay 
everie sixe moneths, two Pesos, a Henne, a Fenega of 
eight Royalls, and a piece of cloth of cotten or woUen. 
They are bound to serve the King * yearely in the Mines 
or Husbandrie divers dayes, beginning in May, and con- 
tinuing their times and courses til November. Those of 
Arrica bring to Potosi, Beasts, Wheat, Meale, Mays, 
Axicoca, an hearb which they perpetually chew ; they use 
for carriages a certaine Camel-fashioned-sheep. By this 
Citie the River runneth close to the walls, which by 

*Jesuites called Teatines : of which name a merry Wit in Spaine, 
earnestly jested in an Embleme or Picture, in which was painted a 
Purse full of Money, and one of every Order pictured in his Habit 
reaching but short, and his Motto according, Yo no te atino, the 
Jesuite laying fast hold on it, saying, Yo te atino, the words bearing 
a double sense, I am a Teatine, or, I attayne thee, the Conceit almost 
lost in the Translation. This was related to mee by a Spaniard. 



showers sometimes so swells, that it hath carried away the 
stone Bridge, of nine Arches. Here is the Kings Con- 
tractation house, and his Treasurie ; the Court also of 
Inquisition, with two Inquisitors (each of which hath 
three thousand Pesos pension) and a prison peculiar. The 
two Notaries have foure thousand Pesos a piece. Here is 
the Court, or office of the Crusada, or the Popes Bulls, 
with officers and like stipends. This Citie is two leagues 
from the Sea, hath eight bands of foot, and as many of 
horse in Garrison. The next Port is called CaUao, in 
which are some eight hundred Inhabitants. From the 
Citie to Potossi are all Spanish merchandise conveyed. 
Potossi is called La Valla Imperial, comprehending a great 
mountaine in which are Silver Mines. Into them is an 
horrible descent of foure hundred steps, nor may the 
Sunne be admitted spectator of those Acts in perpetuall [I- "• 84.] 
night, which exercise above twenty thousand Indians in ^^"' ^*^ 
digging, and an hundred more in carrying, grinding, and 
other their metall workes. 

This place is so cold that nothing growes in foure 
league space, but an herbe called Ycho. Their provision 
is all brought from Aricca : a pound of bread is there 
worth two Ryals. The haven of Aricca is an hundred 
and eighty Spanish leagues from thence ; but many Vil- 
lages are well inhabited by the way. Not farre hence is 
Chuquisaca, the Bishop whereof hath 30000. Ducats 
revenew : there are the like Monasteries to those at Lima, 
but not so full of Monkes. At Potossi live fifteen hun- 
dred shifting Card-players, and nimming companions 
which live by their wits. Seventie miles from thence is 
another Silver Mine, called Eruco. Neerer Pima is 
Chocola Choca an other Mine, cold as Potossi, where 
dwell five thousand Spaniards. Cusco is like to Lima, hath 
sixe thousand Spanish inhabitants, a Bishop, and Monkes, 
and two CoUedges, with some sixe hundred Students. 
Arequipa hath also a Bishop, two thousand Spaniards, and 
a Corigidoor. But it were tedious to relate the full Story. 

Of Chili the Mother-City is S. lago, where is a Gold Chili. 



Mine. Coquimbo hath store of brasse. Baldivia is rich 
in Gold. In the yeare 1599. the Inhabitants or Natives 
of the Countrey killed the Spanyards, and captured their 
Wives, eight hundred in number, which they offered to 
exchange, giving for each, a paire of Shooes, a Bridle, a 
Sword, and a paire of Stirrops. But the King forbad 
Armour to be carried to them. They powred molten Gold 
into the Governours mouth, made a Cup of his skull, and 
made pipes of his shank-bones, in memory of their vic- 
tory. Auroca hath neere it a Fort with a Spanish garri- 
son, but very poore. Of Conception is spoken before. 
It hath fowre hundred souldiers to keepe it, with some 
Ordnance. But you have listened too long to this Dutch 
Intelligence from the Spanish Captive. Let us now with 
our Hollanders to Sea : so did they the one and twentieth 
of August, but easily perceived the next day, the strength 

A Current, of the Current to be such, that without a faire and stifFe 
gale, they prevailed nothing. On the twentie third, they 
anchored before Rio de Tumba, for the barre and tide 
forbad them entrance. They agreed to turne backe to the 
He Coques in five degrees Southerly, to refresh themselves. 
But stormes, raines, thunders, so haunted them to the 

September, thirteenth of September, that they could not finde the 
Island, and manifold diseases easily found them. On the 
twentieth they had sight of land in Nova Hispania : they 
had thirteene degrees, and thirty minutes. And the wea- 

October. ther became againe very tempestuous. October the first, 
after much sea-trouble, they had sight of pleasant land, 
but the sea wrought so, that they could not have safe 
landing, and so beat off and on, till the eleventh, that 
they entred the haven of Aquapolque ; within shot of the 
Castle. And hanging out a flagge of peace two Spaniards 
came aboord, and they agreed to exchange Prisoners for 
Sheep, Fruits, and Provision, which was accordingly per- 
formed. On the fifteenth, Melchior Hernardo came 
aboord, to take view of the fleete, which had vanquished 
the Kings. He was Nephew to the Vice-Roy of New 
Spaine, and was kindly entertained of the Admirall, his 




men well appointed in their Armes. The Castle had 
seventie Brasse Pieces, having intelligence eight moneths 
before of their comming. On the eighteenth they de- 
parted. The Calme kept them from doing any thing of 
moment, save that they tooke a shippe which was bound 
for Pearle-fishing, and in her eleven men, two of them 
Friars, twelve others escaping before by flight. They 
manned it with two and twenty Dutch to foUowe the 

November the tenth, they cast anchor before the Port November. 
Selagues in nineteene degrees. Understanding by the 
Prisoners of a River neere this place full of fish, and set 
with Citrons, and other Fruits, and Meadowes not farre 
off full of Cattell, they sent out their Boates, which espy- 
ing shoo-prints, were afraid of Spaniards, and returned. 
After a hot skirmish, on the eleventh they departed, and 
came to Port Natividad ; where they watered and fur- 
nished themselves with other necessaries. On the 
twentieth they departed. On the twentie sixth, they had 
twenty degrees and twentie sixe minutes. They deter- 
mined the next way to the Ladrones. On December the December. 
third, not without great marvell, they beheld two Islands ^'J Islands. 
farre in the Sea. On the fourth, they saw a Rocke, and Rccke. 
had thought it a Shippe which they expected. It was in 
nineteene degrees, fiftie three leagues from the Continent. 
In the sixt, they had sight of a newe Island with five hills 
seeming as so many Islands. 

Anno 1616. in January many died of diseases. On January, 
the three and twentieth the Ladrones appeared. The ' ' ' 
Land was low, and therefore kept aloofe that night. The 
next day the Savages came about them with their Boates, 
and they went on land. On the five and twentieth, 
Sibrand Cornelison, a Marchant, was taken with a sudden 
giddinesse at dinner, and presently died : at his buriall 
the Ordnance and Shot so dismayed the Indians which 
brought them provision, that they durst come no more. 
They set sayle the twenty sixth for the Maniles. They 
perceived these Ladrones to be witty, strong, and to 




observe some kind of Idolatrie. There is store of Fowle 
and fish. 

February. On February the ninth, they had sight of Cape Spirito 
Santo, and the same night anchored at the Maniles. In 
the tenth they had speech with the Indians, which refused 
all trade, because (they said) they came to warre with the 
Spaniard. They did not so in Capul, whither they came 
on the eleventh, but brought them Hogges and Hennas 

[I. ii. 85.] with other things for trifles. They stayed till the nine- 
teenth, and then by the helpe of two Indian Pilots, passed 
the Straights to the Manilian Port or Bay. The fi-uits 
much releeved and recovered the sicke. The people 
weare long garments like shirts, have Friars in such rever- 
ence, that to one of our Prisoners they prostrated them- 
selves, and kissed his hands with incredible honour. On 
the nineteenth, they anchored before the Isle Luzon, the 
greatest of them in which is the City Manilla. Here 
they saw an house artificially framed on the tops of divers 
trees, and seemed farre off as a Palace. Finding no people, 
they proceeded. On the eight and twentieth, they saw 
as they passed an exceeding high hiU vomiting flames, 
named Albaca. On the foure and twentieth they had 
sight of the other strait in the egresse, and sent their 
Boats to sound the way. The calme kept them prisoners 
that they could not passe. On the twentie eighth, they 
anchored before the Isle Mirabelles, whose two Rockes 
seeme to threaten the skie, behind which is the city 
Manilla. Here they perpetually watch the comming of 
Ships, from China, to Pilote them to the City, the way 
beeing dangerous. Neither could the Hollanders make 
this strait, to passe through it all the time of their staying 
with all their labour, hindred by Calmes. 

March, On March the first, they saw two sayles, and sent out 

their Boats to take them, but they were too swift. On 
the third they tooke one laden with provision of Rice, 
Oyle, Hens, Fruits, and on the fifth two more, with a 
Spaniard in them with like provision, and after that three 
others. These were going to gather in the Tribute, which 




the places adjoyning pay to the City Manilla. Here they 
had intelligence of a Fleet of tenne great Ships, built here, 
and sent forth under the Command of John de Silves to 
the Moluccas, to fight with the Hollanders ; together with 
foure Gallies, and two other Ships ; in them two thousand 
Spaniards, besides Chineses, Japanders, and Indians. 
Their purpose was to reduce all the Moluccas under the 
Spaniard. Whereupon they freed all their Prisoners, 
except one Spaniard and an Indian, and hasted after them. 
On the eleventh, they encountred so many Islands that 
they doubted of egresse, and by the Spanish Marriners 
advise, anchored all night : and by his helpe next day 
recovered the wide Sea. On the foureteenth, they rode at 
Anchor all night before the Isle Paney by reason of sholds. Paney. 
On the eighteenth, they sayled close by Mendanao, but Mindanao. 
hearing of dangerous shelves, they in the Evening set 
further off into the Sea. On the nineteenth, they sayled 
againe close to the shore, and had provision of the Islanders 
very cheape. On the twentieth, they reached Cape de 
Cadera, where the Spaniards as they passe to the Moluccas, 
use to take in water. Till the three and twentieth, the 
calme permitted no further saile then the tide forced : be- 
twixt Mendanao and Tagimo, a contrary tide stayed 
them. These Islanders shewed themselves enemies to 
the Spanyards, and offered fiftie of their ships in aide. 
On the twenty seventh, they passed the Isle Sanguin, and 
many others. On the twentie ninth, they came to Ternata, 
in which is Maleia a Towne subject to the Hollanders, 
where of their Countrey-men they were gladly entertained. 
These at Maleia reckoned this the eight and twentieth of 
March, which we reckoned the nine and twentieth, so that 
with following the Sunne in his course, they had one day 

The Straight of Bouton is full of sholds : without them 
is deepe water. On the East is fresh water. To the 
West two leagues is a rockie shold. 

Aprill the eighth, Cornelius de Vianen went for Banda. Apnll. 
The Governour shewed his Charter for the Moluccas, 
n 225 p 








Banda, and Amboina, without prejudice to the Admiralls 
authoritie. And the souldiers went on land after so long 
a Navigation. 

May the second, they sent sixe ships for Macian, that 
the enemie should not have any Cloves, and there anchored 
before Maurice Fort. The English here told them of the 
taking of Coteway by the Dutch on the tenth of Aprill, 
rich in Nutmegs. And the Indians mooved with this 
successe, made a new league with the Hollanders. On 
the eighteenth, they exchanged Prisoners, Spaniards for 
Dutch. The rest of this moneth, and June and July fol- 
lowing, they spent the time in these parts as occasion was 
offered, not so necessary to our purpose. 

September the fifteenth, they came to locatra, and 
repaired there their ships, not without feare of John de 
Silves with his Spanish Fleete. But on the thirtieth, wee 
heard of his sudden death at Malacca as was thought by 
poison, and the returne of the Armada to the Maniles, 
with great shame to the Spaniard after foure yeares prepara- 
tion, doing little or nothing. "Whiles they were at lacatra 
foure ships of huge bvirthen came out of Holland, with 
exceeding store of Spanish Ryalls, and an other out of 
Japon laden with Spanish Ryals, and Silver unwrought, 
with Brasse, Yron, and other Commodities, the most of 
which they had taken from a Portugall shippe bound for 

October the twentieth, the Concord a shippe of Home 
which had departed out of Holland, June, 1615. came to 
lacatra (of which you shall have a peculiar Relation) and 
because it was not of the Companie of the Indies, it was 
by the Generall annexed to the Fleet, the men beeing dis- 
tributed into other Ships. 

November the tenth came the Nassau to Bantam from 
Mocha in the red Sea, well provided thence of Spanish 
Ryals, and Turkish Ducats. December the twelfth came 
thither the Amsterdam, and the Middleborough from the 
straits of Mallacca, the one of seven hundred, the other 
of sixe hundred tunnes, in which the Admirall Spilberg 




prepared for returne. On the seventeenth of January, \}- "• 86.] 
16 1 7. they came to the Isle Mauritius. The thirtieth of "[g"'^''-''' 
March to Saint Helena, where they found the Middle- 
burgh, which they had not seene in three moneths. Hence 
they departed the seventh of Aprill, and came into Zeland 
in July following. 

A discourse of the present state of the Moluccos, 
annexed to the former Journall, extracted out 
of ApoUonius Schot of Middleborough. 

THe Portugalls having, to the griefe of the Venetians, 
and their owne inriching, made themselves Masters 
of almost all the trade of Spicerie, by their possession of 
the Moluccas : their grew some distasts, first betwixt them 
and the Spaniards (as in Magellanes voyage is expressed.) 
After the English, by the conduct of Sir Francis Drake, 
and since in their East Indian trade have had traffique 
there. Lastly, the Hollanders have dispossessed the Por- 
tugalls : and the Spaniards or Castilians, by meanes of the 
Tidorians have there fortified. The King of Ternate 
being taken with some chiefe men, the rest fled, and by 
Mateliefe his ayd were reduced, and there erected the Fort Orange in 
Orange, and entred league with the Hollanders, and so ^'^""'*- 
wrought that Motir, Machian and Bachian yeelded to the 
Dutch, the Spaniards holding Tidor, and the chiefe Citie 
of Ternate, and some places in Gilolo, as shall after follow 
more particularly. 

In the Isle of Ternate, the Dutch have three Forts, 
Maleia otherwise Crania, the seat of the King and Nobili- Maleia or 
tie, taken by Matelief : Molucco, which they call Holland ^^^^^^ ^^ 
distant from Maleia halfe a mile North-wards, seated on a jjollandia 
HiU, and built with lime and stone for the safetie of the 
Haven of Maleia : Tacome, called also WiUemstat, in the Tacome or 
North-west Coast of Ternate, commodious for the places ^'^l^'"""'- 
betwixt Malacca and Tacome. 

The Isle Motir, was by the warres of Ternate and MoHr. 
Tidore for a time desolate, till Admirall Wittert, by 



with three 




quorre in 
Gilolo which is 
a great Island 
before which 
lye the smaller 
Islands of the 

Spaniards in 

Senora del 


intreatie of the Ternateis erected a Fort in the North part 
thereof, and brought thither a Colonie of the Inhabitants 
out of Gilolo, whither they had fled. The Spaniards had 
thought to have brought those Motirians thither, which 
had fled to Tidore. The Inhabitants are above two thou- 
sand. Admirall Van Caerden tooke Machian, and raised 
therein three Forts, Tafason to the West, NofFaguja to the 
North, and Tabelole East-ward, all which places are popu- 
lous. This Island numbreth about nine thousand. From 
Cayoe a neighbour Island, for feare they remooved to 
Tabelole. It is the most fertile of all the Moluccas, and 
nourisheth with her fruits Ternate and Tidore, which are 
so addicted to warre, that they neglect culture of their 
grounds. Bachian is a great Kingdome and fruitfiill, but 
not populous. The Inhabitants are idle and voluptuous, 
and have brought upon themselves the present miserie. 
In Lahova the Spaniards had a Fort, and there are yet some 
seventeene Portugalls, and eightie Families of the Natives 
become Christians. The Vice- Admirall 1600. tooke and 
fortified it with a strong Garrison. In the Continent they 
have Guammequorre, to whom the Sabougians have added 
themselves, forsaking the Spaniard. In it is a Garrison 
of thirtie Souldiers. The Natives calling the Dutch to 
their ayd were franke in promises, as the Dutch also to 
them, further then either partie doth, or well can performe, 
being too grievous ; as that the Dutch should have all the 
customes of the Natives and Forreiners, should be free 
from all paiments : yea they now deny such composition, 
& are alienated from the Dutch for not keeping word with 
them. The people are perfidious, ambitious, inconstant, 
hardned in the insolencies and mischiefes which alwayes 
attend warres. The Kings in time past had absolute rule, 
now are contemned, upon occasion the people seeking new 
patronage. The Spaniards by bountie and liberalitie 
wonne their hearts, and made them averse to the Hollander. 
These have the chiefe Citie in Ternate, and call it now 
Our Lady of the Rosarie, strong, and fortified with all 
munition from the Moluccas. Heere are two hundred 




Spaniards, ninetie Papoos (Inhabitants of the Philippinas) 

besides thirtie Portugall housholders, eightie Chineses, 

sixtie Moluccans, with their Families. Betwixt this and 

Maleia, they have a Fort called Saint Peter and Saint Paul, S.S. Pedro y 

strongly seated on a Hill, with sixe and twentie Spaniards, 

twentie Papoos and some Manilians. 

Tidore they have wholly, and therein three Forts, one in Tidore. 
the chiefe Citie where the King resides, called Taroula, in Taroula. 
which are ordinarily fiftie Spaniards, tenne Papoos, eight 
Natives, with five brasse Pieces very large. The second 
hath thirteene Spaniards, besides the Natives, and two 
Pieces. The third called Marico, within sight of Our 
Lady Citie, is a Towne well inhabited, walled, and hath a 
Garrison like the former. The Island scarcely yeelds a 
thousand armed men. 

In Gilolo (which comparatively to those Moluccas 
seemes a Continent, as our Britaine to the Hebrides) the 
Spaniards have, first Sabongo, which John de Silva tooke 
from the Dutch, 1 6 1 1 . against the truce (as they say) and 
fortified strongly, imposing a Garrison of sixtie Spaniards, 
and fortie Papoos : secondly, Pilolo craftily taken from the 
Dutch also, and well provided with sixtie Spaniards, and 
some Manilians. The third, at the West side of Gilolo 
over against Machian, called Aquilamo, with few 
Spaniards, and fortie Tidorians. To the Moren or Eas- 
terne Coast of Gilolo they have three other Jolo, Isiau and 
JafFongo, with them fortie five Spaniards, with the Natives. 
They have a Gaily or two at Sea besides, some Lari (a 
kind of smaller Gaily) and are alwayes well provided of [I. ii. 87.] 
Armes, often destitute of victualls, which causeth divers of 
them to flie away. Halfe the Cloves belong to the King, 
and the marchandise of them is in the Portugalls hands. 
The Kings costs for sixe yeeres were very great, with little 
profit. Jeronimo de Sylva, is now Commander in those 
parts, an old warie Souldier, with other officers under him. 

[A briefe 




A briefe description of the Forts, Souldiers, and 
Militarie provision, as also of their Trade and 
Shipping in the East Indies, under the service 
of the Generall States of the united Provinces, 
and his Excellencie, as it was in July 1616. 
extracted out of the Author of the Journall. 

N the Isle of Ternate, at Maleia are these Captaines ; 
Captaine Fridericke Hamel, William Ertuelt, Peter 
Barker, Rowland Philips, Goswine a Mammerent, with 

Moluccas, their severall bands, each of ninetie, or a hundred men, 
the Citie walled and strongly fortified. Tabucke is a 
Fort neere, kept by the Inhabitants, as Tacome and 
Tabou, two others in Gilolo. In Tidore is the Fort 
Marico, under Captaine William ab Amsing, very strong. 
In Motir, Captaine Henry Majer hath an able Garrison 
and Fortresse. Macian is governed by Gilbert Vianen, 
and hath three Forts as before. Bartholmew Spilbergen is 
chiefe in Bacian, where is the Fort Barne-velt built of 
stone, and well furnished with armes and men. 

Amboina. In Amboina is a royall Fort or Castle, commanded by 
Henry Steur, with one hundred and fiftie Souldiers: 
besides other Fortresses, as Conbellam, Hitton, and Low ; 
This last is kept by the Ternatois. Adrian Blockhousen 

Banda. is Governour of the Island. In Banda are two Forts, 
Nassau, with a Garrison of an hundred and twentie Hol- 
landers besides a very great number of Japanders, Chineses 
and others ; and the Belgike, furnished as well; Captaine 

Poleivay. Henry Beverlincke commands both. In the Island Pole- 
way, they have the Revenge, with an hundred sixtie 
Souldiers under two Captaines, Dussen, and Verhoeren. 

Palataque. In the Coast of Coromandel, in Palataque, is a strong and 
goodly Castle, with a Garrison of an hundred and twentie 
Souldiers : the Cities Negapatan, and Messepatan, shew 
them great favour. John de Hase a Counsellor of the 

Java. Indies, is Commander in these parts. In Java the greater, 
at Jacatra a dayes journey from Bantam, is built a Magnifi- 




cent store-house or Arsenale, for Artificers, and provision 
for the warre, and for the Navie, furnished therefore with 
brasse Ordnance. In all these are Souldiers three thousand ; 
Brasse Peeces, an hundred ninetie three, of Iron Ordnance 
three hundred and twentie, of Stone three hundred. 

Places forsaken upon better consideration, are Gemma- ^'"■'' ^^'» 
lanor, a Fort in the Isle of Boutton ; another in Salor and ''^'^' 
Timor ; a Magazine, or Store-house in Gresei and Achin, 
and Macassar in Selibes. The King of Jor is their great 
friend, but admits no Fort. They have their most profit- f licet of trade 
able trade at Jambi, in one of the Islands of Sumatra, at "" pctortes. 
the straight of Malacca. In Fieos, Priaman, and Silbe, on 
the West of Sumatra they have trading. In Borneo they 
trade for Diamants, and Bezoar stones. In Japon, James 
Spex hath erected a great store-house. At Bantam is their 
chiefe Factorie, where all Shippes are laden under the com- 
mand of Sir John Peters Coenen Generall president of the 
Indies, which heere keepes an exact register and accounts 
of all the Indian affaires. 

Their shipping in July, 161 6. was as followeth ; In the 
Moluccas, The Old Sun, the Old Moone, the New Sun, 
the New Moone, the Flushing, the Angel of Delph, the 
Hope, the Lucifer, and the Larus. In Japatra, the Hol- 
land. At Bantam, the Faith, the Nassau, the Home, the 
Larus of Japon, the Blacke Lion. In Timor and Solor, 
the Eagle, and the Starre. In Achin, the Falcon and the 
Huntsman. In Coromandel, the Neptune, the Golden 
Lion. At Jambi, the Bargen Boat, the Halfe Moone. 
The Concord, and Little Holland, were sent to the Isle 
Ingane, to receive those which had beene shipwracked in 
the ^olus. At Jacatra, the Enchusen. At Bantam were 
also the New Home, the Amsterdam, the Middleborough. 
The Tergoes expected from Coromandel. The Blacke 
Beare lately departed, and the Amsterdam, and the New 
Zeland. Then at Sea towards the Indies, the Concord of 
Amsterdam, and the ^olus of Zeland. They have more- 
over in Banda two small Gallies, and in Jacatra, and 
Bantam many smaller Sayle. [Chap. VII. 




[i.ii.88.] Chap. VII. 

The Sixth Circum-Navigation, by William Cor- 
nelison Schouten of Home : Who South-wards 
from the Straights of Magelan in Terra-Del- 
fuogo, found and discovered a new passage 
through the great South-Sea, and that way 
sayled round about the World : Describing 
what Islands, Countries, People, and strange 
Adventures hee found in his said Passage. 

Ecause the General! States of the united 
Nether-land Provinces, had granted Pat- 
tents of trade to the East Indian Company, 
with prohibition to all others to passe 
the Cape of Good Hope East-ward, or 
thorough the Magelen straights West- 
ward : Isaak le Maier a Marchant of 
Amsterdam, and William Cornelison Schouten of Home 
(a man which had beene thrice in the East Indies) devised 
and consulted of some new way, without impeachment of 
the said Pattents, which they confidently supposed might 
bee done by some passage South-wards from the Magelan 
straights. And to that end agreed, betweene them to 
enterprise such a Voyage, taking order that Isaac le Maire 
should provide the one halfe of the money, and William 
Cornelison Schouten the other halfe to furnish the said 
Voyage, by the helpe and furtherance of their friends, the 
care thereof, and to make provision for the said Voyage, 
being referred to William Cornelison Schouten. 

And to finish the said Voyage, the Marchants aforesaid 
prepared and rigged a great and a small Ship of Home, 
the great Ship called the Unitie, of three hundred sixtie 
Tunnes, whereof William Cornelison Schouten was Master 
and chiefe Pilot, and Jacob le Maire Marchant and prin- 
cipal! Factor, in it having sixtie five men, and nineteene 




great Pieces, and twelve Slings, with Muskets and other 
munition for warre proportionably, with a Pinasse to sayle, 
another to row, a Boat, and a Scute, Anckors, Cabels, 
Ropes, Sayles, and all other necessaries belonging there- 
unto. The lesser Ship called the Home, of an hundred 
and tenne Tunnes, whereof John Cornelison Schouten was 
Master, and Aris Clawson Marchant, in it twentie two 
men, eight great Pieces, foure Slings, and other furniture, 
as need required, and was necessarie for such a Voyage. 
And for that they would not make knowne to any man, 
as I said before whether they meant to goe, they hyred all 
their men, both common Saylers and Officers, to sayle unto 
every place whether the Masters and the Marchants would 
go, which made the common Saylers and people to speake 
and ghesse of that Voyage diversly, and at the last gave 
them the name of the Gold-Finders, but the Marchants 
named them the South Company. The Ships being readie, 
upon the sixteenth of May 161 5. the men were mustred 
by the Scout and Schepen of Home, and the twentie five 
of the same moneth the Unitie set sayle, and arrived at 
the Tessell upon the twentie seven. 

The third of June the lesser departed from Home, and Jm. 161 5. 
the next day came to the Tessell. 

Upon the fourteenth of June 161 5. we sayled out of 
the Tessell, and the sixteenth of the same moneth, being 
in the sight of Dunkerke, past betweene Dover and Callis : 
the seventeenth ankoring in the Downs, William Corneli- 
son Schouten went on shoare at Dover, to get men to 
bring us Fresh-water, and the same day set sayle from 

The fourth of July, it was ordered that every man 
should have a Can of Beere a day, foure pound of Bisket, 
and halfe a pound of Butter (besides sweet Suet) a weeke, 
and five Cheeses for the whole Voyage. 

The thirteenth in the morning wee saw the Hands of 
Tenerifa, and great Canaria, and the same day about noone 
we sayled betweene them both, with a stifFe North North- 
east wind, and a swift streame. 




Betweene the fourteenth and the fifteenth, with the 
same wind and streame we passed Tropicus Cancri. 

The twentieth on the morning, we fell on the North 
side of Cape Verde, and had eight fathome deepe when 
we first saw the Land, sayling along by the Coast, and 
at Sunne-rising the Cape lay West and by South from 
us, so that with a North North-east wind wee could not 
get beyond it, and were forced to Ankor at thirtie two 
fathome deepe : that night it blew hard, with a great 
storme of raine and thunder. We had ill weather divers 

The five and twentieth the Alkaide, or governour came 
aboord our ship, with whom wee agreed for eight States 
of Iron ; that we should peaceably fetch Fresh-water from 
the shoare. The first of August wee set sayle from the 

The one and twentieth of August in the morning, by 
Sierra Liona. Sunne rising we set sayle, and saw the high Land of Sierra 
Liona, about sixe Leagues from us North-east and by 
North : wee likewise saw the Islands of Madrabomba, 
which lye on the South Point, or corner of the high land 
of Sierra Liona, North from the Baixos, or shallows of 
[I. ii. 89.] Saint Annas Island. Sierra Liona is a very high land, 
there is no land so high as it, betweene Capo Verde, and 
the Coast of Guinea, whereby the point is most easie to 
be knowne : that day we laboured as wee could to get to 
land, for the most part having stormie weather, running 
to the point, and over the Baixos, or shallowes of Saint 
Anna, at tenne, nine, eight, seven and five fathome water, 
and as wee sayled North-ward, the water waxed deeper, 
but East-ward shallower, so that about evening wee 
anchored with a high water, at foure fathome and ahalfe 
soft ground, and in the night time wee had but three 
fathome and a halfe, but it was fine cleare weather. 

The two and twentieth in the morning at Sun-rising, 
William Schouten went aboord the Home, and sayled in 
it before us, the great ship following, holding our course 
North North-east, with a North-west wind, and an ebbe 




under the bough, and so got off from the Baixos, to Saixos, or 

eighteene fathome water, and from thence to the Islands ^^^^"^^J^ 

of Mabrabomba, which are very high, and lye all three Uabrabomba. 

on a row, South-west and North-east, halfe a league from 

Sierra Liona to sea-ward, there wee had shallow water, 

at five and foure fathome, soft muddie ground, we 

anchored about a league from the land, and going on 

shoare found no man dwelling therein, but perceived the 

footsteps of many great beasts, but all the land lay wast 

like a wildernesse, with low marshes or bogges, and high 


The three and twentieth in the morning, Jacob le Maire 
went aboord the Home, and from it with both the boates 
on shoare, where hee found a River, at the mouth thereof 
having many Cliffes, Sands, and Rockes, whereby no 
Shippe could goe into it, but within it was very deepe 
and broad enough for ships to turne and wind, there they 
could perceive no people to dwell, but saw three wild 
Oxen, and a great many Monkies, and some Birds that 
barked like Dogs. They rowed at least three leagues up 
into it with the floud. After long search they found eight 
or nine Limon trees, which they shook, and got about 
seven hundred and fifty Limons, most ripe, ready to dry. 
There also they saw great store of Tortoyses & some 
Crocodiles, but no people. We determined to trie if we 
could get into the fresh river with both our ships, therein 
to make provision of fresh water and Limonds, and to that 
end set sayle, but found the water so shallow, that we 
were forced to anchor at sixe fathome. The Home 
anchored before the river, on the lower land, but there 
found shallow water. They found up the river no signes 
of men, onely a Buffe and a Calfe, and here and there got 
some Limons. 

The nine and twentieth, perceiving that we were not in 
the river of Sierra Liona, wee determined early in the 
morning to set sayle, and to goe North-ward of the high 
land, and about noone wee got above the Islands of 
Mabrabomba, West-ward, along towards the North part 




of the high land, till wee had twelve and fifteene fathome 
water, and in the evening got about the point, where we 
anchored at fifteene fathome deepe. 

The thirtie in the morning, wee hoysed Anchor, and 
drave with the streame, and a South wind before the 
*The road of Village, in the right roade of Sierra Liona,* where we 
Surra Luna, anchored at eight fethome, sandie ground, about a Musket 
shot from the land, there wee saw eight or nine houses 
covered with Straw. The Moores called unto us in their 
language, to fetch them aboord our ship, and because they 
had no Canoes wee sent our boat on land, which presently 
came backe againe with five Moores in it, whereof one 
was their Interpreter : but before they came, they desired 
that we would leave some of our men, to stay with them 
as pledges, for that not long before there had beene a 
French ship there, which had taken and carryed away two 
of their Moores. Aris Clawson the Marchant, that went 
a shoare with the boat, stayed there with them, and having 
certaine Beades, he there bartered them for Limons, and 
Bananas. The Interpreter spake all kind of languages, 
one with another. In the meane time, our men having 
faire weather, laded fresh water, which is there easie to bee 
had, by reason it fals downe out of the hill into the road, 
so that wee held the Barrels under the shoare, or fall of 
the water, and filling them, put them straight into the 
Scute, the water was very good. For a few Beades, and 
some slight Norremburgh Knives, wee might have had an 
hundred thousand Limons there at the least, if we would, 
* Store of for there they grew by whole * Woods fiall: the same 
Lmons. night we bartered with the Negroes for a shoale of Fish. 

The first of September we hoysed Anchor, and drave 
before the streame, and that Evening anchored at the 
mouth of the Sea, before a Small River. The second, we 
set the Home upon the Strand to make her cleane, having 
a good place to doe it, for there the water fals seven foote 
up and downe : in the evening our men came on boord 
againe, and brought a little beast named an Antelop, which 
they found in a Wood, in a net or snare set there by the 




Negroes, and some Limons, and after that the Boat went 

out to fish, and got a great number, and some Palmitas 

which they had not cut downe in the wood. 

The third in the afternoone, the Home being made 
cleane was lancht into the water againe, and our Master 
went out to fish, in the evening bringing a great shole of 
fish with him in fashion like to a Shoomakers cutting knife, 
and every man an hundred and fiftie Limons for his part. 

The fourth early in the morning we hoysed anchor, and 
set sayle out of Sierra Liona. 

The fift of October, we were under foure degrees, seven 

and twentie minutes, the same day about noone, there 

was such a noyse in the Bough of our Shippe, that the 

Master being behind in the Gallerie, thought that one of [I. ii. 90.] 

the men had fallen out of the Fore-ship, or from the Boe- 

sprit into the Sea, but as hee looked out over the side of 

the Ship, hee saw the Sea all red, as if great store of bloud 

had beene powred into it, whereat hee wondred, knowing 

not what it meant, but afterward hee found, that a great 

Fish, or a Sea monster having a home, had therewith 

stricken * against the Ship, with most great strength. For * Strange acci- 

when wee were in Porto Desire, where we set the Ship on ^'^If" ^"" 

the Strand to make it cleane, about seven foot under water against the 

before in the Ship, wee found a Home sticking in the Ship. 
Ship, much like for thicknesse and fashion to a common 
Elephants tooth, not hollow, but full, very strong hard 
Bone, which had entred into three Plankes of the Ship, 
that is two thicke Plankes of greene, and one of Oken 
wood, and so into a Rib, where it turned upward, to our 
great good fortune : for if it had entred betweene the 
Ribbes into the Ship, it would happily have made a greater 
hole, and have brought both Ship and men in danger to 
be lost, it stucke at least halfe a foote deepe into the Ship, 
and about halfe a foote without, where with great force it 
was broken off, by reason whereof the great monster bled 
so much. 

The five and twentieth, the wind continuing, we held 
on the same course, Untill that time we had sayled, and 




no man in our Ship, (unlesse it were the Master, William 
Cornelison Schouten, and Jacob le Maire our Marchant) 
knew whether we should goe, and then they told us what 
voyage they intended, which was, to seelce by another way 
then the straights of Magelan, to enter into the South Sea, 
there to discover new countries in the South parts, where 
they thought to find great riches, and that if it fell not as 
they desired and pretended, then that they would saile 
along through the great South Sea, South-ward to the East 
Indies. This being knowne, our men were very glad and 
rejoyced, hoping every man for his part, to benefit by that 
voyage, to their advancement. 

The sixe and twentieth, we were under sixe degrees, five 
and twentieth Minutes, with faire weather, and a good 
gale, and all the rest of that moneth for the most part 
sayling South-ward, with an East, and a North-East wind, 
we were under tenne degrees, and thirtie minutes. 

The first of November we past the Sunne, whereby at 
noone time, it was North from us. 

The third we were under nineteene degrees, twentie 
minutes, then we saw some Black-birds, and two or three 
fowles called Sea-mewes, and after noone, wee had a sight 
of Martin vads Islands called Ascension, which lay South- 
East, and by East from us, under twentie degrees, there 
wee found our Compasse to varie North-East-ward twelve 
degrees : The wind being North North-East, as the day 
before, and held our course South : That day our men 
had double allowance of Wine, because we had past the 
Abrolhos dangerous Sands, called Abrolhos. 

The one and twentieth, wee were under eight and 
thirtie degrees, five and twentie minutes, and had altera- 
tion of water, there wee cast our Lead, but found no 
ground, the Compasse then varied seventeene degrees 
North-East-ward, that morning wee saw the new Moone, 
being one and twentie howers old. 

The sixt of December, we saw Land not very high, 
but white and somewhat flat, we fell (according to our 
desire) on the North side of Porto Desire, and at night 





anchored at tenne fathom deepe, about a league and a 
halfe from the shoare, with an ebbe that ran South- ward, 
as strongly as the Sea runnes betweene Flushing heads. 

The seventh in the morning wee hoysed Anchor, and 
sayled South untill noone,then wee were before the Haven 
of Porto Desire, lying under seven and fortie degrees, Port Desire. 
fortie minutes, and made towards the entrie thereof, where 
we had very high water, so that the Cliffes (whereof Oliver 
van Noort writeth, which sailing into that Haven niust be 
left North-ward from us) were cleane under water, but 
on the South point there lay certaine Cliffes open, which 
we tooke to be those, and therefore went South-ward on, 
but sayled South-ward of the right channell into a crooked 
Bay, and there at high water anchored at foure fathom 
and a halfe, and when the water was low, we had but 
foureteene foot-water, whereby the Unitie lay with her 
Sterne fast on ground, it being full of Cliffes, the wind 
was West from the Land, and smooth water to our great 
fortune, for if we had had an East wind, with any gale, 
for certaine, we had lost our Ship : upon the Cliffes we 
found many Egges, and tooke great Muscles and other 
Fish, and among the rest. Smelts of sixteene inches long, 
and for that cause we called that place the Smelt Bay. Our 
Shallop went to the Penguins Island, lying East South- Penguim. 
East two leagues from Porto Desire, and came aboord 
againe late in the evening, bringing two Sea Lyons, and Seaks. 
an hundred and fiftie Penguins, which we eate the next 

The eight in the morning, with the Land-wind we 
sayled out of the Smelt Bay, and anchored right before Smelt Bay. 
the Haven of Porto Desire, and sent our Shallop out to 
sound the depth of the channell, and found twelve and 
thirteene fathom, entering in after noone, with a high 
water, and a North-East wind, we set sayle, the Home 
first, and so entred into the Haven. When wee had sayled 
about a league and a halfe into the river, the wind ttirned, 
and we anchored at twentie fathoms : there the ground 
was slippery stones, for about halfe an houre after, the 




winde blowing hard North- West, both our Ships lying with 
two Anchors a Peece out : presently drave upon the South 
shoare, for there five and twentie anchors could not have 
holden them, so that wee verily thought both our Ships 
would there bee cast away. The great Ship sate with her 

[I. ii. 91.] side upon the Cliffes, and shoke with the falling water 
somewhat lower, and still kept stanch, but the Home fell 
upon the Cliffes, so that the water went cleane from it, 
whereby at a low water a man might have gone dry foote 
under the Keele, right against the maine Mast : the Keele 
was above a fathome out of water, fearefiill to behold, but 
as the winde blewe hard Northwest it kept it from falling 
over, which appeared to be so, for that when the winde 
ceased, it fell from the land against the winde upon the 
side, at least three foote lower then the Keele, whereat 
we were all abasht, thinking we had surely lost her, but 
when the Flood came with still weather, it rose up againe, 
whereat we all rejoyced. In the morning with calme 
weather we wound off from the wall, and the same night 
the Home came to us. 

Kings Island "phg ninth in the morning, we set saile againe, and went 

Me°T"^ further into the River, and came to Kings Island, so called 
by Oliver van Noort, the Home went behind it, and there 
anchored, but we could not get in with the Unitie, because 
the wind was contrary. Our men went on shore into the 
Island, which was almost covered over with egges ; for a 
man standing still on his feete, with his hands might reach 
to fiftie foure neasts, each having three or foure egges a 
piece, much like (but somewhat greater) then Sea-Mues 
egges, the birds were blackish Sea-Mues, we carried 
thousands of them aboord, and eate them. 

The eleventh, the boat went lower into the River on 
the South side, to seeke for men and water, and found 

Estriges. nothing but brackish water : there they saw some Estriges, 

and beasts like Harts, with very long neckes, which were 
afraid of us. Upon the highest part of the hilles wee 
found some burying places, which were heapes of stones, 
and we not knowing what that meant, pulled the stones 




ofF from one of them, and under them found mens bones 

of tenne and eleven foot long : they buried the dead upon ^^''^'' '^^ r 

the top of the hils, flat on the ground, and cover them also ^^^i^^ 

with stones, which keepes them from beeing devoured by 

beasts or birds. 

The twelfth, thirteenth, foureteenth, fifteenth, and six- 
teenth, our men went continually on land to seeke for 
water, but found none, every day bringing good store of 
birds and fishes on boord. 

The seventeenth, we laid our shippe within Kings Island 
on the wall, with an high water, to make it cleane, where 
it was drie, that we might goe round about it dry foot. 

The eighteenth, the Home was also laid on shore about 
two Musket shot from our Shippe to make it cleane. The 
nineteenth, as we were busie about both the ships to make 
them cleane, and burnt reeds under the Home, the flame 
of the fire sodainly got into the Ship, and presently tooke 
such hold thereof, that in the twinckling of an eye it was 
so great, that we could by no meanes quench it, by reason 
it lay fiftie foote drie from the water side, and by that 
meanes wee were constrained to stand still, and see it 
burne before our eyes, not able to doe any thing to 
save it. 

The twentieth, at a high water we lancht the Unitie 
into the water againe, and went to the Home and quencht 
the fire, but the ship was burnt cleane downe to the water. 
The next day when we had cast the water out of that part 
of it that was left, we saved aU the wood, Iron-worke, 
Anchors, Ordnance, and what else that was to be gotten, 
and put it into our shippe. 

The twenty fifth our men found certaine holes ftiU of 
fresh water, which was white and very thicke, from whence 
some of them daily fetch water in little rondlets on their 
shoulders : some went armed with Muskets to defend 
them, others fetcht birds, and egges, and yong sea Lyons Scales. 
which we eate, and are of a reasonable good tast. 

The thirteenth about noone, we sailed out of Porto 
Desire, but the sea beeing calme, wee anchored before 
II 241 Q 



the haven, and when the winde began to rise, hoysed 
anchor and put to Sea. 
Sebald% The eighteenth we saw Sebaldes Islands South-east 
Islands. fj-Qj^ ^s about three leagues, they lie, as Sebald Dewert 
writes, distant from the Strait, East Northeast, and West 
Southwest, about fiftie leagues, then we were under fiftie 
one degrees. 

The twentieth, we saw Steencrosse drive, and perceived 
that we had a great streame that went Southwest, then 
we were under fiftie three degrees, and ghest that we were 
about twentie leagues Southward from the Straits of 
Magelan. The eleventh we were under three and fiftie 

The three and twentieth in the morning, we had a 
South winde, and about noone it waxt calme, then the 
wind blew West, and we had ground at fiftie fathome 
blacke sandy, with small stones, after that the winde turned 
North, with smooth water and faire weather. The water 
shewed as white, as if we had beene within the land, we 
held our course South and by W^est, about three of the 
clocke afternoone we saw land West, and West Southwest 
from us, and not long after that we saw it also in the 
South, then having a North winde, we went East South- 
east, to get above the land, it blew so hard in the 
hollow water, that we were forced to take in our Toppe- 

The foure and twentieth in the morning, wee sawe land 
on starre-boord, not above a great league distant from us, 
there wee had ground at fortie fathome, and a West-winde, 
the land stretcht East and South, with very high hills, 
that were all covered over with Ice. We sayled along by 
that land, and about noone past it, and saw other land East 
from it, which also was very high and ragged. 
[I. ii. 92.] These lands as we ghest lay about eight leagues one 
from the other, and seemed as if there were a good passage 
betweene them, which we were the better perswaded unto, 
for that there ranne a hard streame Southward betweene 
both thpse lands. 



Then about noone we were under fiftie foure degrees 
and fortie sixe minutes, and after noone wee had a North 
wind, and made towards this opening, but about evening 
it calmed, and that night wee drave forwards with a hard 
streame, and little wind. There we saw an innumerable 
number of Pengwins, and thousands of Whales, so that 
we were forced to looke well about us, and to winde and 
turne to shunne the Whales, least we should sayle upon 

The five and twentieth in the morning, we were close 
by the East land, which was very high and craggie, which 
on the North side reacheth East South-east, as farre as 
we could see, that land we called Statesland, but the land 
that lay West from us, we named Maurice-land. We 
perceived that on both sides thereof, there were good 
roades, and sandy Bayes, for on either side it had sandy 
strands, and very faire sandie ground. There are great 
store of fish, Pengwins and Porposses, as also birdes and 
water enough, but we could see no Trees : we had a 
North-wind in the entrie, and went South South-west, 
with a stiffe course, at noone we were under fiftie five 
degrees, thirty sixe minutes, and then held our course 
South-west, with a good sharpe wind and raine, and a 
stifFe gale : we saw the land on the South side of the 
passage upon the W^est ende of Maurice van Nassawes 
land, reach West South-west and South-west, as farre as 
we could see it, all very high and craggie-land. In the 
Evening the wind was South-west, and that night wee 
went South with great waves or billowes out of the South- 
west, and very blew water, whereby we judged and held 
for certaine that we had great deepe water to loefward 
fi"om us, nothing doubting but that it was the great South- 
sea, whereat we were exceeding glad, to thinke that we 
had discovered a way, which untill that time was unknowne 
to men, as afterward we found it to be true. 

There we saw extreame great Sea-mewes, bigger of 
body then Swannes, their wings beeing spread abroad, 
each of them above a fathome long. These birds being 



^tore of 

Statesland and 

The New 
straits called 
Straits of 


Great fiwles unaccustomed to see men, came to our ship, and sat 
very tame, thereon, and let our men take and kill them. 

The sixe and twentieth, we were under seven and fiftie 
degrees, with a flying storme out of the West and South- 
west, the whole quarter, with very high and blew water, 
we held our course South-ward, and in the North-west 
saw very high land, in the night we turned North- West- 

The seven and twentieth, we were under sixe and fiftife 
degrees, and one and fiftie minutes, the weather ver}' 
cold, with haile, and raine, the wind West and West and 
by South, and we went South-ward, and then crost North- 
ward with our maine Sailes. 

The eight and twentieth we hoysed our top-sayles, then 
we had great billowes out of the West, with a West wind 
and then a North-east, and therewith held our course 
South, and then West and West and by South, and were 
under fiftie sixe degrees and fortie eight minutes. 

The nine and twentieth, we had a Northeast wind, and 
held our course South-west, and saw two Islands before 
us, lying West Southwest from us : about noone we got 
to them, but could not saile above them, so that we held 
our course North : about them they had dry gray ClifFes, 
and some low Cliffes about them, they lay under fiftie 
seven degrees, South-ward of the Equinoctiall line, we 
named them Barnevels Islands. From them we sayled 
West North-west : about Evening we saw land againe, 
lying North West and North North-west from us, which 
was the land that lay South from the straits of Magellan 
which reacheth South-ward, all high hilly land, covered 
over with snow, ending with a sharpe point, which we 
Cape Home, called Cape Home, it lieth under fiftie seven degrees and 
fortie eight minutes. 

Then wee had faire weather, and a North wind, with 
great Billowes out of the West, we held on course West, 
and found a strong streame that ranne West-ward. 

The thirtieth, we still had great Billowes out of the 
West, with hollow water and a strong streame that went 





West-ward, which assured us that we had an open way 
into the South sea, then we were under fiftie seven degrees, 
thirty foure minutes. 

The one and thirtieth, wee had a North wind, and sayled 
West, and were under fiftie eight degrees : then the wind 
turning West, and West South-west, somewhat variable, 
wee passed by Cape Van Home, and could see no more 
land, and had great billowes out of the West, and verie 
blew water, which then fiilly assured us that we had the 
broad South sea before us, and no land : the wind was 
very variable, with great store of haile and raine, which 
forced us oftentimes to winde to and fro. 

The first of February, we had cold weather, with a 
storme out of the South-west, and sayled with our maine 
sayles, lying North-west, and West North-west. The 
second, the wind West, we sayled South-ward, and were 
under fiftie seven degrees, fiftie eight minutes, and found 
twelve degrees North-ward variation of the Compasse. 
That day we saw many great Sea-mewes and other Birds. 

The third, we were under fiftie nine degrees twentie 
five minutes, with indifferent weather, and a hard West 
wind, and guessed that wee were that day under fiftie nine 
degrees and a halfe, but saw no land, nor any signe thereof [I. ii. 93.] 
in the South. The fourth, we were under fiftie sixe 
degrees fortie three minutes, with variable windes, most 
Southwest, and wound to and fro as the wind blew, with 
eleven degrees Northeastward variation of Compasse. 

The fift wee had a strong streame out of the West, with 
hollow water, whereby we could beare no sayle, but were 
forced to drive with the winde. 

The twelfth, our men had each of them three cups of 
wine in signe of joy for our good hap, for then the Straits 
of Magellan lay East from us : the same day by advice 
of all our Counsell, at the request of our chiefe Marchant, 
the new passage (by us discovered betweene Mauritius 
land, and the Statesland,) was named the Straights of le 
Maire, although by good right it should rather have beene 
called William Schoutens Straight, after our Masters 




Name, by whose wise conduction and skill in sayling, the 
same was found. 

During the time that we passed through that New 
Strait, and sayling Southward about that New-found land, 
till we got to the West side of the Straits of Magellan, 
for the most part we had a very strong streame,. hollow 
water, continuall raine, mists, moist and thicke weather, 
with much haile and snow : whereby wee endured much 
trouble, miserie and disease. But in regard that we had 
so luckily discovered that Passage, and hoping that the 
places which we were yet to discover, would likewise fall 
out well, we were encouraged; and not once thinking 
upon our former hard passage, with assured mindes deter- 
mined to goe forward on our Voyage. 

The foure and twentieth, we hoysed our upper Ordnance 
out of the hold, and placed it above upon our Decke. 
The five and twentieth of January, we hoysed all our 
sayles, because we entered into a peaceable Sea, and had 
past all stormes and hard weather. 

The seven and twentieth, we hoysed up our second tyre 
of Ordnance, and placed it in our second Orlope, for in 
Porto Desire we had laid it downe in the hold, and all 
things that might hinder the wind, and then were under 
fortie degrees with faire weather, a South, and South 
Southeast wind, and a good gale, as the day before, and 
held our course Northward. 

The eight and twentieth, our Counsell, and the foure 
Masters determined to sayle to the Isles of John Fernando, 
there to refresh us, because some of our men by meanes of 
the great paines and labour taken by them were extreame 
weary, and some had the fluxe : that day we were under 
thirtie five degrees, fiftie three minutes. In the evening 
we bare but small sayle, fearing to fall upon the land by 
night, and because we would not passe beyond it in the 
night, wee sayled Northeast. 
IslandsofJohn The first of March in the morning wee saw the Islands 
Fernando. gf John Fernando, right before us, North North-east, 
with a South wind, faire weather, and a good gale. About 




noone wee got to them, under thirtie three degrees and 
fortie eight minutes. 

These are two Islands, both of them very high land : 
the smallest lying most West-ward, is a very dry bare 
Island with nothing in it, but bare Hils and Cliffes, the 
greatest (lying East-ward) is also full of very high Hils, 
but hath many Trees, and very fruitfuU. Therein are 
many Beasts, as Hogs, and Goates, upon the Coast admir- 
able numbers of good fish ; which makes the Spaniards 
oftentimes come thither to fish, and in short time fill their 
ships and Carrie them to Peru. Wee went on the West 
side of those Islands, which was not well for us, for there 
wee must have gone about East-ward to get into the 
Road, which lyeth on the East point of the greatest Island, 
for going about on the West side behind the land, wee 
should have gotten under the land in the calme water, 
because the land there is high and calme, so that wee 
could not get to the land to anchor with our ship, and 
therefore sent our Boat out to sound the depth, which 
came aboord againe in the Evening, and told us, that 
close by the land we had fortie and thirtie fathome sandy 
ground which still lesseneth till it come to three fathome 
good to anchor in, besides a faire greene Valley, full of 
greene Trees, pleasant to behold, but because of the short- 
nesse of the time they went not on shore, and in divers 
places saw fresh water in great streames run downe off 
the Hils, they likewise saw many Goats and other Beasts, 
upon the Hils, which they could not well know, being so 
farre off : they had also in short time taken a great number 
of good fish, for the Hooke was no sooner in the water, 
but presently they tooke fish, so that continually without 
ceasing, they did nothing but draw up fish, most of them 
being Corcobados, and Steen-brasses, and saw many Sea- 
Wolves : these newes cheared up our men, specially those 
that were troubled with loosenesse hoping there to refresh 
themselves : that night it was calme weather, so that the 
streame drave us somewhat back-ward. 

The second day we were with our ship close under the 




Dogs Island in 
15. degrees 
12. minutes, 
925. leagues 
from Peru. 


land againe, but could not get so neere (what meanes 
soever wee used) to finde ground, wee once againe sent 
our men on land, some to fish, and some to seeke for 
Cattell, they saw many Hogs, Goats, and other Beasts, 
but by reason that the Woods were thicke they could not 
get them : and the while that some of them fetch water, 
they that were in the Boat had taken almost two Tunnes 
of fish, all with Hookes, and so we were forced to leave 
that faire Island, and could get nothing else there. 

The third day wee drave at least foure leagues beneath 
the Islands, notwithstanding that all that quarter we did 
the best we could to sayle neere to it, whereof at last being 
wearie, (seeing it was unpossible to bee done) wee deter- 
mined to leave them, and to hold on our course, to 
performe our Voyage, every day having a good fore-wind, 
to the great griefe of our sicke men, who thereby were 
cleane out of comfort, but God holpe them. 

These Islands are under thirtie three degrees, fortie 
minutes : this resolution taken, we set oxir course North- 
west and by West, with a good South gale of wind and 
faire weather. 

The eleventh day wee past Tropicus Capricorni the 
second time, with a South-east wind, our course North- 
west, there we had the generall East and East South-east 
wind, and held our course North North-west to the 
fifteenth, till we were under eighteene degrees, then we 
changed our course, and went West, and made our rowing 
Shallop readie, to use it when we came neere any land. 

The third of April being Easter day, we were under 
fifteene degrees twelve minutes, at which time we had no 
variation of Compasse, for the Needle stood right North 
and South, then the flux began much to trouble our men, 
for at times, halfe of them at the least had it. 

The tenth day we saw three leagues from us a low 
Hand, not very great, with great numbers of Sea-mewes 
and fish, and set our course to the Island thinking to have 
some refreshing, whereof in regard of the flux we had 
great need. About noone we got to the Island, and cast 




out our Lead, but found no ground, and therefore put out 
our Shalop. About Evening they came aboord againe, 
and could get nothing, but onely some greene Herbs, 
which tasted like unto Holland Tuinkars, they said, that 
there they had scene three Dogs, that neither barkt, nor 
made any noyse, and in it found some places full of raine 
water, that had fallen that day. 

The Island as we perceived, seemed at high water for 
the most part to be over-flowne, it had nothing about it 
but a kind of wall like a Ditch, full of greene Trees, 
pleasant to behold, and in the middle of them and else- 
where, much Salt-water. It is under fifteene degrees 
twelve minutes, distant from the Coast of Peru, by our 
estimation nine hundred twentie and five leagues. That 
quarter the wind was North, and we held our course West, 
towards the Islands of Salomon, and called that Island 
Dogs Island. 

In the night it blew hard, with a great showre of raine. 

The fourteenth the winde East and East South-east, 
we sayled West, and West and by North, with wind and 
weather aforesaid, and saw much fish, and many Birds : 
after noone we saw another low Island North-west from -^""^f^'' 
us being very great, and reached North-east and South- 
west, whereat we rejoyced, hoping to get water and some 
refreshing there, and made to it, holding our course North- 

About Evening, being with our ship about a league 
from the Land, there came a Canoe to meet us, with foure 
Indians in it, all naked, of a reddish colour, very blacke 
long haire : they kept a good way from our ship, first 
calling to us, making signes to have us come on Land, 
but we understood them not, nor they us, notwithstanding 
that we answered and called to them in Spanish, Molucus, 
Javan, and our owne Netherland speech. 

About Evening at Sunne-setting, we got to the land, 
but found no ground, nor no changing of water, although 
we were so neere to the shore, that with a Musket we 
might shoot into it, and therefore put to Sea againe, and 





the Canoe to land, where a great many Indians stood upon 
the shore to watch for them : not long after againe there 
came another Canoe from the land to our ship, but would 
not (as the first) come aboord, they called to us, and we 
to them, but understood not one the other, at last their 
Canoe overthrew in the water, but they soone turned it 
up againe, and leapt quickly into it, they shewed and 
pointed towards the land, and wee the like to them towards 
the ship, but they would not come, wherwith we held 
on our course and left the Island, sayling South and South- 
west to get above the land : the Island was not broad, but 
somewhat long, and full of Trees, which as we ghessed 
were Palmitas and Cocus Trees, it lyes under fifteene 
degrees fifteene minutes, having white sand ground : that 
night we saw fire upon the land in divers places. 

The fifteene day in the Morning, having in the night 
sayled about ten leagues South South-west, we sayled close 
along by the land, where we saw many naked men standing 
on shore, calling and crying (as it seemed) to bid us come 
on land, and then againe there came another Canoe, from 
the land towards our ship, with three Indians in it, which 
also called to us, and would not come abord, but rowed 
to the Shalop, and went close to it, our men shewing them 
all the friendship they could, giving them some Beads and 
Knives, but they understood not one another having beene 
a little while by the Shalop, they left it, and came so neere 
to our ship, that we cast out a small Rope to them, which 
they tooke, but would not enter into the ship, but went 
into the Shalop, which came backe from the land without 
doing any thing, and having beene a good while in it, at 
the last one of them came into the Gallerie, and drew out 
the nayles of the windowes in the Marchants and Masters 
Cabines, and taking them away, hid them in his haire, 
Loverseflron, they were desirous of Iron : for they ventured to pull out 
as in the ^.j^g ^^^jj-g ^jjj^ (.jjgjj. ^ands, and to carrie them away, we 

sought to keepe one of them in the ship, and to send one 
of our men with the other two in their Canoe to land, to 
make friendship with them but they would not. They 




were very theevish people, all naked, only a piece of a 

Mat hanging before their privie Members. Their skinne 

was marked with divers figures, as Snakes, Dragons, and 

such like things which shewed very blew, as if they had [I. ii. 95.] 

beene burnt thereon with Gun-powder, we gave them 

wine, as they sat in the Canoe, but they would not give 

us the Cup againe. Wee sent our Shalop once againe to 

the land, with eight Musketiers, and sixe men with Swords. 

Claus Johnson our under Marchant, and Arice Clauson 

the Marchant of the Home, went with them, to see what 

was to be gotten in the Island, and to make friendship 

with them. But as soone as they were by the strand and 

the men went on shore, there came at least thirtie Indians 

out of the Wood, with great Clubs or Cudgels and would 

have taken our mens armes from them and thought to 

draw the Shalop upon the land, ventred to take two of 

our men out of the Shalop, thinking to carrie them into 

the Wood, but our Musketiers, having their Muskets 

readie, discharged three of them amongst them, and verily 

thought that they either killed or sore wounded some of 

them. They likewise had long staves, with very long 

sharpe things at the ends thereof, which (as we thought) 

were finnes of blacke fishes, they also cast stones with 

Slings, but (God bee thanked) hurt none of our men. 

Bowes they had not, as farre as we could see. Our men 

saw some of their women, that cryed and claspt their men 

about the neckes, but knew not what they meant, and 

thought they did it to get them from thence. That Hand ^^""'^ without 

(by reason we could there find no ground to anchor) we ^''"""• 

called the Hand without ground. On the out side it 

was low plaine ground, fiall of Palme Trees, but within 

full of salt water. At last when we saw that there was 

nothing to be gotten, we determined to leave it, and with 

an East wind held our course West to Sea-ward. There 

wee had slight water and no billowes as the day before 

wee had out of the South, and therefore wee ghest that 

South-ward there was more land : it is under fifteene 

degrees, about a hundred leagues distant from Dogs Hand. 





The sixteenth day in the morning betimes, we saw 
another Hand, North-ward from us, which we made to, 
but found it as the other, without anchor ground, within 
also being all drowned land, yet on the sides it was full 
of Trees, but no Palme nor Cocos Trees. Wee put out 
our Shalop to sound the depth, but, going to the shore, 
found no ground, and therefore came abord againe, with- 
out doing any thing, or seeing any men. We sent our 
Shalop once againe to see if we could get any refreshing 
or water upon the land, who returning againe told us that 
they had found fresh water not farre from the shore, in a 
Pit or Keele, which they might bring with Buckets to thfc 
strand, but hard to get into the ship, for the Shalop, by 
reason of the billowes, lay fast at a dreg, by which meanes 
the men were forced, to draw one another with a Rope 
on land, and in like sort on boord againe, so that it was 
very troublesome and dangerous to goe on the land, and 
therefore fetcht but foure small fats of water. There also 
we found such herbes as we had in the Dogs Hand, whereof 
we brought a sackfuU aboord, and some Crabs, as also 
some Shels and Homes, that had fish in them of very 
good taste. That evening we held on our course West- 
ward, with an East-wind, and an indifferent gale, rainie 
weather and smooth water. The same day wee were 
under fourteene degrees, fortie sixe minutes. That Hand 
was fifteene leagues distant from the other, wee called it 

Water Iland. the water Hand, because there we got some water. 

The seventeenth day we gave our men six cups of water, 
and sod a great Kettle with Pottage, made of the greene 
herbes that we had in water Iland, which did our men 
some good, and eased them of their loosenesse. 

Flye Iland. The eighteene day in the morning, we saw another low 

Hand South-west from us, lying West North-west, and 
East South-East, as farre as we could see, at the least 
twentie leagues, distant from the other. We made to 
it, and being hard by it, sent out our Boate to sound the 
depth, they told us they found ground by a point of land, 
from whence there came a streame at twentie, five, and 




fortie fathome, running softly downe, about a Musket 
shot from the land, whereupon we sent the Boat with our 
emptie Caske thither, hoping to find water, when it came 
to the land, they let the Schut lye fast at a Dreg in the 
water and drew one another with a Rope through the 
water, to land as they did before, there they sought a good 
way within a Wood for fresh water, but because they had 
no Armes with them, and saw a wild man, who as they 
thought had a Bow in his hand, they turned presently 
backe to the Shalop, and came aboord againe without doing 
any thing, and lying a good way from the shore, there came 
five or sixe wilde men to the strand, who seeing that our 
men were gone, went backe againe into the Wood. Upon 
that Hand there were great store of greene wilde trees, 
being also full of salt-water within. When our men came 
into the ship they were covered all over with Flyes, in 
such abundance that wee could not know them, their faces, 
hands, and Scute, all full, and the Oares also as farre as 
they were out of the water, were covered over with blacke 
Flyes, wonderfriU to behold : those Flyes came with them 
aboord our ship, and flue so thicke upon our bodie, and 
in our faces, that wee knew not how to shunne them, for 
we could hardly eate or drinke, but all was fiill of them : 
wee still wip't our faces and hands, and made flaps to kill 
as many as we could, this continued two or three dayes 
with great trouble unto us all : at last we had a good gale 
of winde, whereby, and with continuall killing them, in 
the end when three or foure dayes were past we were rid 
of them : wee called that Hand, the Flye Hand, and there- 
with set forward from it, and had some raine, as also the 
next day, whereby we gathered so much water, with 
Clothes and Sailes, that it holpe us well. In the night 
we made no great way, but often times let the shippe drive, [I. ii. 96.] 
that wee might not by night fall upon such low Islands, 
and spoyle our shippe. 

The three and twentieth, we were under fifteene degrees, 
foure minutes, and then againe had great hoUow billowes 
out of the South, which the next day also continued ; the 




wind was North-east, and most part East, and East and 
by South. There they said, that Terra Australis which 
we sought for, lay yet two hundred and fiftie leagues 

The five and twentieth, we filled foure vessels full of 
raine water, and still had hollow billowes out of the South, 
as we commonly have in the Spanish Seas out of the North- 
May. The third of May the wind was still East South-east, 

and we sayled West, and at noone were under fifteene 
degrees, three minutes. That day we saw many great 
Dorados which were the first that we had seene in the 
South Sea. 

The ninth, we were under fifteene degrees, twenty 
minutes, and at that time as we thought were 1 5 1 o. leagues 
distant from the coast of Peru and Chili. About noone 
A strange wee sawe a sayle, which as we guessed was a Barke, com- 
">y''- ming out of the South, and went North-ward towards 
us, we presently made towards it, and as it came neere to 
us, we shot at it with one of our Pieces right over her, to 
make them strike, but they would not ; then we shot 
againe, but yet they would not strike, with that we put 
out our Shalop with tenne Musketiers in it, to take her, 
which calling to them we shot another Piece, yet without 
any intent to reach or to hurt them, but they would not 
strike, but sought as well as they could to get away from 
us, and got to loofe-ward of us, but our Shalop beeing too 
craftie for them rowed to them, and beeing about halfe a 
musket shot from them, shot foure Muskets one after 
another, as they drewe neere to her, and before they could 
reach her, some of her men in great feare leapt over-boord, 
whereof one of them had a little child, and another was 
hurt, and had three holes in his backe, but not very deepe, 
for it was haile shot, those we fetcht out of the water 
againe : they also threw much of their goods over-boord, 
and amongst the rest three Hennes, our men leapt into 
their ship and carried them into our ship, they not once 
resisting ; for in truth they had no armes, when they were 




in our ship, we fetcht two men more that were left in theirs, 
which presently fell downe before us, and kist our feet 
and hands, one of them was a very old man, the other a 
young man, we could not understand them, but used them 
kindly, and presently the Shalop rowed to fetch those that 
leapt over-boord, to save their lives, but they got but two 
of them, that drove upon one of their oares, and pointed 
to our men with their hands to the ground, as much to 
say, that the rest were drowned : one of those two that 
was hurt, whom we drest, had long yeallowish haire. In 
that shippe there was at least eight women, three young 
sucking children, and some of nine or tenne yeeres old, 
so that we made account they were three and twentie in 
all, cleane naked people, both men and women, onely 
something hanging before their privy members. About 
evening we set the men on boord their ship againe, that 
were welcome to their wives, which claspt them about the 
necks, and kissed them. We gave them beades, (which 
they hung about their necks,) and some knives, and shewed 
them all the friendship we could, and they the like to us, 
giving us two fine Matiens, and two Cocos nuts, for they 
had not many : that was all they had to eate and drinke, 
and they had drunke out all the water out of the Nuttes, 
so that they had no more drinke. Wee saw them drinke 
salt water out of the Sea, and gave it also to their young 
children to drinke, which we thought to be against Nature. 
They had certaine cloathes which they ware before their 
privy members, and therewith covered themselves against 
the heate of the Sunne, of a yeallowish colour. They were 
reddish people, that anoynted themselves with Oyle : the 
Women had short haire, like our men in Holland : Mens 
haire was long, curled, and very blacke : their ship was 
of a strange fashion. It was made of two long faire Canoas The manners 
with a good space betweene them, in each Canoa about ''^d Canoas of 
the middle thereof, there lay two whole broad planckes of ' ^ egroes. 
faire red wood, to keepe out the water, and divers planckes 
laid crosse over, from the one Canoa to the other, which 
were made fast together, and hung a good way over on 


Drinkers of 



both endes without the Canoas, very close above to keepe 
out the water, before at the ende of one of the Canoas, 
on starre-boord, there stood a Mast, at the ende thereof 
having a Forke, whereon the yard lay. The Sayle was 
made of Mats, and as the wind blew they sayled, without 
Compasse, or any Instruments for the Sea, but hookes to 
fish withall, whereof the upper part was stone, the other 
blacke bone, or Tortoyses shells, and some of them were 
mother of Pearle. Their ropes were very faire, and 
almost as thicke as a Cable, made of such stufFe as the 
figge-frayles in Spaine are. When they sayled from us, 
they held their course South-east. 

The tenth wee had the wind South South-east, and 
South-east and by South, and held our course West and 
South-west. In the morning after breake-fast, wee saw 
very high land on Larboord, lying South-east and by 
South, about eight leagues from us : wee made to it, 
and sayled all that day with a good gale, but could not 
reach it, 

The eleventh in the morning, wee were neere a high 
Island, and about two leagues South- ward from thence, 
another long low Island, that day wee sayled over a Banke 
of fourteene fathome deepe, stony ground, lying about 
two leagues from the land, and as soone as wee were over 
[I. ii. 97.] it, wee could find no more ground. One of the shippes 
aforesaid came to us : they also carrie a Canoe in their 
shippe, which what time soever, they can put out : and 
are very good Sea-men. Their ships were of the fashion 
aforesaid, with good sayles, and are so swift of sayle, that 
few ships in Holland can out sayle them. They steere 
behind with two Oares, on each Canoe a man, and some- 
times row with their Oares before, when they will wind, 
the ship also windes of it selfe when they pull the Oares 
out of the water and let it goe, or alone with the wind, 
wee put out our Shalop to sound, which came and told 
us that they had found ground at fifteene, fourteene, and 
twelve fathomes, shelvie ground, about a Canon shot from 
the land, wee presently made to it to Anchor, and tooke in 




our sayles. The Negroes seeing that, made signes to us 
to goe to the other Island, and sayled thither before us, 
but wee anchored at the end of the Island, at five and 
twentie fathome sandie ground, a great Canon shot from 
the land. That Island is a high hill, almost like one of 
the Moluccos Island, full of trees, most Cocos trees, there- 
fore wee called it Cocos Island. Com Island. 

The other Island is much longer, but lower, lying East 
and West. As soone as wee were at an Anchor, there 
came three small ships, that sayled up and downe about 
our shippe, and at least nine or tenne Canoes boorded us, 
some from the land, and some out of the little shippes, 
among the which two of them put out little white Flags in 
signe of peace, and wee did the like. Their Canoes, which 
had three and foure men a peece in them, were flat before, 
and sharpe behind, hewed out of a whole peece of reed 
wood. Wherewith they could row exceeding swift, and 
when they came neere the ship, they leapt into the water, 
and swamme to our ship, with their hands full of Cocos 
nuts, and Ubes rootes, which they bartred with us for 
nayles and beades, whereof they were verie desirous, they 
gave foure or five Cocos nuts, for one nayle, or a small 
string of beades, so that the same day we bartered for an 
hundred eightie Cocos nuts, and at last there came so many 
on boord, that we scarce knew how to bestirre our selves. 
Wee sent our Shalop towards the other Island, to see if 
there we could not lie better, for there we lay in the open 
Sea, but the Shalop was no sooner off from the ship, rowing 
along by the land, but it was inclosed round about by 
twelve or thirteene Canoes of the other Island, and still 
more came to them, the people within them shewing as if 
they were mad, having certaine staves of hard wood in 
their hands like clubbes, sharpe at the point, and a little 
burnt. They boorded our Shalop, and thought to have 
taken it from us, but our men thereby constrained to 
defend themselves, let flee three Muskets among them, 
whereat first they laught and mockt thinking it but a sport, 
but the third time one of them was shot into the breast 
II 257 R 



cleane through his bodie, which his fellowes seeing went 
presently to helpe him, & finding him to be so sore hurt, all 
of them kept off from the Shalop, and went to one of their 
small ships with sayles, and calling to it, would have had 
them to over row the Shalop, as we ghest, but they would 
not, for their Canoes had been aboord our ship, where they 
had beene well used, and friendly dealt withall. Those 
Theev'uh people were very theevish. They were lustie men, well 
people. proportioned, and of great stature, and went all naked 
and unarmed onely their privie members covered. Their 
haire was drest after divers fashions, some short, and some 
finely curled, some had long haire bound up in pleits in 
severall manner, they were notable swimmers. That 
Cocos Island lies under sixteene degrees, tenne minutes. 
The twelfth in the morning after break-fast-time, there 
came more Canoes aboord our shippe, with Cocos nuttes, 
Bananas, Ubas rootes, and some little Hogges, and some 
vessels full of fresh water ; that day wee bartered with 
them for one thousand two hundred Cocos nuts, wee were 
eightie five men aboord, and every one had twelve nuts. 
They strove who should get first aboord, and those that 
could not get to the ship, leapt out of their Canoes, and 
dived under the other Canoes, to get to the shippe to 
sell their ware, holding Ubas rootes, and bunches or Cocos 
nuts in their mouthes, and climed so many, and so fast up 
to the shippe, that wee were forced to keepe them downe 
with staves. When they had sold their wares, they leapt 
out of the ship and swamme to their Canoes againe. 
They wondered at the greatnesse and strength of the 
shippe, and some of them crept downe behind at the 
rother, under the ship, and knockt with stones upon the 
bottome thereof, to proove how strong it was. There 
came a Canoe from the other Island, that brought us a 
young blacke wilde hogge, which the King sent us for a 
present, wee would have given the messenger somewhat 
for it, but he would not take it, making signes that the 
King had charged him not to take any thing. At noone 
the King himselfe came in a great shippe with a sayle, of 




the fashion aforesaid, like an Ice Slead, with at least thirtie 

five Canoes to accompany him. This King was by his 

men called Latou, wee received him with Drummes and 

Trumpets, whereat they wondred, because they never had 

seene nor heard the like before. They shewed us great 

honour and much friendship outwardly, with bowing their 

heads, clapping their fists together over their heads, and 

other strange Ceremonies. When he was a little way from 

us, hee began to call and to crie out aloud, as if hee had 

prayed after his manner, all the rest of his men did the 

like, wee not knowing what it meant, but ghest that it 

was in stead of a welcome. 

Presently thereupon the King sent us a Matien by three 
of his men, to whom wee gave an old hatchet, a few beades, 
some old nayles, and a peece of linnen cloth, which hee 
willingly received, laying it three times upon his head, 
and bowing it, in token of reverence or thankes, and 
curtesie. Those that came into our ship, fell on their [I. "• 98.] 
knees, and kist our feet, and wondred much at our shippe. 
We could not know the King from the other Indians, for 
he was likewise cleane naked, but onely that they shewed 
him reverence, and he commanded over his men. We 
made signes that the King should come aboord of our 
Shippe : his sonne came aboord, and we entertained him 
well, but he himselfe durst not or would not come, but 
they altogether made signes to have us come to the further 
Island, with our Shippe, where there was enough of all 
things to be had. Among other things, we bartered with 
them for angles of haire, that were made of reede, as in 
Holland, but somewhat thicker, with hookes of mother 
of Pearle. The Kings sonne went to land againe, and the 
Canoa wherein he went had a great piece of wood on lar- 
boord, wherewith it kept upright, upon that piece of wood 
their angle lay readie to take fish. 

The thirteenth in the morning, there came at least fortie 
five Canoas aboord, to traifique with us, with an Armado 
of three and twenty small shippes, made like Ice-sleads, 
each of them one with an other, having five and twentie 




men a piece in them, and every small Canoa foure or five, 
we not knowing what their intent was. The Canoas dealt 
with us, bartering Cocos nuttes for nayles, and made show, 
as if they were our great friends, but afterward we found it 
otherwise : all of them made signes to us to sayle to the 
other Island : the King who the day before had been at 
our Shippe, came likewise in his ship with a saile to our 
shippe, and all of them made a great noyse. We would 
gladly have had him aboord, but he would not ; wherewith 
wee suspected treason, fearing some mischiefe, and the 
rather, because all the Shippes and Canoas kept close round 
about our ship, and that the King went out of his ship into 
a Canoa, and his sonne into an other, and presently they 
stroke upon a kind of drumme that was in his shippe, 
whereat all the Indians began to crie out alowd, which we 
esteemed to be a warning given unto them, altogether to 
fall upon us, to take our shippe from us, and then the 
ship wherein the King sayled before he went out of it, 
boorded us, comming so hard upon us, as if it would have 
sunke us : but it strucke against our shippe with such a 
force, that the two heads of the Canoas before brake in 
pieces, wherewith the men that were in it, (among them 
having some women) leapt into the water, and swam to 
windward : the rest beganne to fling great number of 
stones at us, thinking therewith to feare us, but we shot 
at them with Muskets, and three great pieces (laden with 
Musket shot, and old nayles) wherewith all they that were 
in the shippe and Canoas that lay about our ship, leapt into 
the water. We made reckoning that some of them had 
forgotten the way to goe home againe, and that divers of 
them also were sore wounded, and therewith they went 
backe : they knew not what such manner of shooting 
meant, but yet when they saw how we had handled them 
with our shot, they kept aloofe out of the reach of our 
Pieces, and we hoysing anchor, set forward againe on our 
Voyage, holding our course West, and West and by South. 
We were of opinion, that the King at that time had 
assembled all his forces, for he had at the least a thousand 




men, or rather more : among them we saw one that was 
cleane white. 

When we were about foure leagues off from the Islands, 
many of our men would have had us goe backe againe to 
the Islands by force, to goe on land, to refresh our selves, 
in regard that we had but little water, but the Master and 
the Marchant would not. The first Island that was so 
high, we named Cocos Island; and the other that lay a 
league distant from it, we called Traitors Island, because Traytors 
the most part of the Indians that sought to betray us, came "" ' 
from that Island. 

The foureteenth in the morning, we saw another Island 
right before us, about seven leagues distant from us, which 
seemed to be round, and as we ghest was thirty leagues 
distant from the Islands aforesaid. That Island we called 
the Hope, and made towards it, hoping there to get water, Hope Hand. 
and better refreshing ; but comming to it, could find no 
ground, and therefore put out our Shalop to sound a long 
the shore, which about a Musket shot from the land, found 
ground at forty fathome, small blacke and soft stony 
ground, sometimes also they had twenty and thirty 
fathomes, but as soone as they were a Shalops length or 
two from it, they had no ground againe. Then tenne or 
twelve Canoas came to our Shippe, but we would not let 
them come aboord, but shewed them friendly countenance, 
and bartered with them for foure flying fishes, for the 
which we gave them some beades, which we let downe 
by a rope at the sterne of the Shippe, and they taking 
them, tyed the fishes to the rope, and we puld them up : 
in the meane time our Shalop sounded along by the Land, 
which they in the Canoas seeing, presently made towards 
it, and beeing close by it, at first spake unto the men, but 
withall compassed them about with foureteene Canoas ; 
and therewith some of them leapt over-boord, thinking 
to fall upon the Shalop, or to draw it away with them ; 
which our men perceiving, shot with their muskets among 
them (there beeing sixe Muskets, and other armes, Courte- 
lasses and Pikes in the Shalop) and therewith killed two of 




the Indians as they sate in their Canoas, where of one 
presently fell dead over-boord, the other sate still with 
his hand wiping off the blood upon his breast, but at last 
fell likewise over-boord : the rest in the Canoas, were 
thereat in so great feare, that in all haste they made away, 
at which time we saw many men standing upon the shore, 
that cryed and made a great noyse. But for that we there 
could finde no fit anchoring ground, we tooke our Shalop 
in againe, and went forward on our Voyage, holding our 
course South-west, the better to get to the South, hoping 
there to finde firme land. And it was so rough neere to 
[I. ii. 99.] the Island, that it was a very badde place for a Boat to 
goe on shore. The Hand was all full of blacke Cliffes, 
greene on the top, and blacke earth, and was full of Cocos 
Trees, and greene herbes. Wee also saw many houses 
along by the Sea-side, and close by the strand there was 
a great Village, the land was hilly, but not very high. 

The eighteenth, being under sixteene degrees, five 
minutes, wee had variable West windes, that day we cald 
our CounceU together, to whom William Cornelison 
Schouten our Master shewed, that then we were at the 
least one thousand six hundred leagues East-ward from 
the Coast of Peru, and Chili, and had not discovered any 
part of Terra Australis, as our intent was ; that there was 
not any appearance to discover any thing to our content- 
ments ; that we also had sayled further West-ward, then 
we intended ; that sayling forward in that manner, without 
all doubt we should fall South-ward upon Nova Guinea; 
and that if there we should find no passage or way to get 
through (it being very dangerous, uncertaine and not 
knowne) that then both ship and goods would be lost, and 
we our selves likewise should perish, it being unpossible 
to come East-ward backe againe from thence, by reason 
of the stedfast East-winds, that in the West parts con- 
tinually blow ; that we also had but small store of victuals, 
and saw no meanes as yet to increase them ; and therefore 
asked their counseU, whether it was not their best way to 
alter their course, and to saile North-ward, thereby to get 




North-ward to Nova Guinea, and so to the Moluccoes, 
which they considering of, and well weighing, found his 
reasons to be true, and thought it necessarie to be done, 
and therefore all with one consent agreed to saile North- 
ward, not to fall South-ward upon Nova Guinea, being an 
uncertaine way, but rather North-ward, to hold a certaine 
course : which was presently put in effect, and we set our 
course North North-west. 

The nineteenth, the wind South, and our course North, 
at noone wee saw two Islands, North-East and by East, 
about eight leagues from us, which seemed to lye about a 
Canon shot distant one from the other. Then we went 
North-East, to saile about the land, with faire weather, 
but no great gale. 

The twentieth, the wind was North-East, and wee did 
the best by labouring to get to the land. 

The one and twentieth, the wind was East, with a small 
gale : and when wee were about a league from the land, 
there came twentie Canoes to our ship, to whom wee 
shewed all signes of friendship, but one of them with a 
woodden Assagay (sharpe at the point) in his hand, 
threatned to shoot at one of our men, and cryed aloud, 
as they did in the other Hand, which we thought was 
a signe among them, to fall upon us, whereupon we 
discharged two of our great Peeces, and therewithall some 
of our Muskets, whereby two of them were hurt, and 
the rest presently made away, as they fled throwing a shirt 
over-boord, which they had stolne out of our Gallerie. 

The two and twentieth day there came divers Canoes 
to our ship, bringing some Cocos Nuts, and Ubas Roots, 
others brought a live Hog, and two rosted Hogs, for the 
which we bartered, and gave them slight Knives, Beades, 
and Nailes. Those people also were theevish, and would 
swim and dive exceeding well, as those in the other Islands 
could doe, their houses stood along the strand, which were 
round and made of leaves sharpe on the top and close like 
a paint-house, to let the water fall downe, about five and 
twentie foot in Compasse, and ten or twelve foot high, 




with a low hole to go in stooping : in them there was 
nothing to be seene, but some dryed herbs, like hay, to 
sleepe upon, and an Angling Rod or two, and in some a 
woodden club or stafFe, that was all their house-hold stufFe, 
the both best and worser sort, for the King himselfe had 
no more. Here wee found a convenient watering place. 

The foure and twentieth day, Aris Clauson, Reymie 
Simonson Snocke, and Cornelison Schouten went on land 
to be Hostages, to make friendship with the Indians, and 
for them wee had sixe of their principall men in our ship, 
whom wee used friendly, giving them meate and drinke, 
and some presents, as they did to our men, giving them 
Cocos, and Ubas Rootes to eate, and water to drinke. 
The King shewed our men great reverence, and gave them 
foure little Hogs : that day our men fetcht five fats fuU 
of water peaceably without quarrelling, for when any of 
the Indians came neere our Boat, the King himselfe came 
thither and drave them thence, or sent one of his men to 
doe it. His men were very obedient unto him : for as 
it chanced that one of our Courtelasses was stolne away 
from us, and we told one of the Kings Gentlemen thereof, 
hee gave some of the Indians charge to fetch it againe, 
and presently hee that had taken it, was sought for, and 
although he was gone a good way of, they brought him 
backe ; who being come, the Courtelasse was laid downe 
at our feet, and hee was beaten with staves, they making 
signes unto us, with their fingers upon their throats, that 
if the Herico (that is the King) knew of it, his head 
should be cut off : and after that, we had nothing stolne 
from us, neither on the shore, nor in the ship, nor else- 
where : neither durst they take a fish that we angled for. 
Those people were very fearefuU of our shooting, for 
when we shot off a Musket, they all ranne quaking and 
shivering away, and we put them in more feare, when we 
shewed them that we could shoot with the great Peeces, 
which the King desired us once to do ; which being done, 
they were all so fearefull and abasht thereat, that all of 
them, as also the King, (sitting under his Belay, or Canopie, 




notwithstanding all that we could say or doe to perswade [I. ii. 100.] 
them,) sore amazed ranne into the Woods, and left our 
men sitting there alone. But not long after they came 
againe, scarce halfe well assured. 

The five and twentieth day, Aris Clawson, Claus John- 
son, and Daniel le Maire, went on land againe, to barter 
for hogs, but they would not barter. But after the King 
had said his Prayers, (which he used to doe every time 
that we went on shore,) shewed us great friendship, and 
we the like to him. 

The six and twentieth day, Jacob le Maire our Marchant 
and Aris Clawson went on shore but could get no Hogs 
of the Indians, because they themselves had great need of 
them, having little else to eate but Ubas Roots, Cocos 
Nuts, a few Hogs, and some Bananas : our men were 
very welcome unto them, and had great reverence shewed 
them, for they trod upon Mats, and the King and his 
Lieutenant gave them their Crownes, which they tooke 
off from their owne heads, and set them on their heads, 
in recompence whereof, Jacob le Maire gave them some 
presents of little worth, wherewith they were very well 

The Crownes were made of long small white Feathers Crowns made 
and underneath and above mixt with some red, and greene "f^^^tf^t^i- 
Feathers, for they have many Parrots, and some Doves, 
whereof they make great account : for every one of the 
Kings Councell had a Dove by him sitting upon a sticke, 
those Doves are white on their backes, and all the rest 
blacke saving their brests, which are reddish : all that day 
we fetcht water, and bartered for good store of Cocos Nuts, 
and Ubas Roots. 

The seven and twentieth, and eight and twentieth dayes, 
we got all our water into the ship, then William Cornelison 
Schouten oure Master, and Aris Clawson went on land 
with the Trumpets, which the Kings tooke great pleasure 
to heare, and with much adoe got two Hogs. 

The Kings Lieutenant putting a string about his feet, 
or his hands, climed quickly up a smooth high Tree, and 




in a trice fetched down ten Cocos Nuts, which at one 
crush with a stick or a piece of wood, he so soone opened, 
that our men wondred to see it. They told us that they 
alwayes had warre with the men of the other Hand, and 
shewed us many Holes and Caves in the Hill, and Bushes 
and Groves in the way, from whence they issued out, and 
spoiled and killed each other : and would gladly have had 
us goe with our ship, to the other Hand to helpe them 
there, to fight against those Indians with our Peeces, but 
it being no profit unto us, we refused it. 

They were in great feare of us, (although we shewed 
them all the friendship we could,) and doubted that wee 
would take their Countrey from them. The King pro- 
mised us that if wee would goe thence in two dayes, he 
would give us ten Hogs, and a great number of Cocos 
Nuts, which they called Ali. 

When he entred into the ship, he fell downe upon his 
face, and prayed, then we led him into the hold, and there 
againe he prayed, he wondred much at that hee saw, as 
wee also did at his behaviour : his men kist our feet, and 
tooke them in their hands, and laid them on their heads 
and their neckes, in signe of submission. 

In the Evening by Moone-shine, Aris Clawson went out 
to fish, and having taken a great shole of fish, went to the 
King, there he found a number of yong Wenches dancing 
before him, one played on a hollow piece of wood like 
a Pumpe, which made a noyse, whereat the yong Wenches 
danced after their manner, very finely, and with a good 
grace, according to the measure of the noyse of the Instru- 

The thirtieth day in the morning, the King sent us two 
little Hogs for a Present : the same day, the King of the 
other Hand came to see the King of that Hand, and with 
him brought sixteene Hogs, and three hundred men in his 
Companie, all of them having certaine greene herbes 
hanging about their midles, whereof they make their 
drinke. When the King was neere unto the other King, 
he began afarre ofi^ with strange Ceremonies and Reverence 




to bow downe his bodie, falling with his face upon the 

ground, and praying with a great noyse, and much zeale, 

as we thought. The other King went to meet him, and 

likewise with a great noyse and strange gestures, used 

him very reverently, and after much adoe, they both rose 

up on their feete, and went and sate together under the 

Kings Belay, and there were assembled together at least 

nine hundred men. When they went to sit downe they 

prayed againe, according to their manner, hanging downe 

their heads, and bowing downe to the ground, holding 

their hands one in another, which we admired. After 

noone, Aris Clawson being on shore, Jacob le Maire, Claus 

Johnson Ban, were sent for, who went a shore, with foure 

Trumpets and a Drumme, to the two Kings, there the 

Trumpets blue, and the Drumme played before them, 

wherein they tooke great pleasure : after that came a com- 

panie of Pesants, bringing with them a quantitie of greene 

herbes, which they called Cava, such as the three hundred Homely 

men aforesaid had about their middles, and all together '^""'^• 

at once began to chaw the herbes in their mouthes, which 

being chawd they tooke it out of their mouthes, and laid 

it all in a wooden vessell, like a Tray, or Trough, and 

when they had chawd a great deale, they powred water 

into it, and so stirred and prest it together, and gave the 

liquor thereof to the Kings to drinke, who dranke thereof 

with their Gentlemen : they also presented that notable 

Drinke (as a speciall and a goodly Present) to our men, but 

they had enough, and more then enough of the sight 

thereof. They also brought a great number of Ubas 

Rootes, which they had rosted, and sixteene Hogs that 

were onely ript, and the guts taken out, but all blody, [I. ii. loi.J 

and not washt, and having certaine hot stones put into 

their bellies, and outwardly their haire singed off by the 

fire, were wel rosted after their manner, and they eat 

them as savourly and with as good an appetite, as we 

could do when they are well sodden or rosted after our 

manner. Those people yeeld great reverence and respect 

unto their Kings, for all the meate which they brought 




before their King, (who in their Language they call Herico) 
they laid it upon their heads, and kneeling on their knees, 
set it downe before the King. Of those sixteene Hogs 
aforesaid, each King gave us one, presenting us therewith 
in this sort, first they laid them upon their heads, and 
kneeling laid them with great humilitie at our feet, and 
with them gave us eleven little live Hogs, and some 
indifferent great. And wee gave them three Copper 
Beakers, foure Knives, twelve old Nayles and some 
Beades, wherewith they were well pleased. 

Those people were men of good understanding, and of 
great stature, for the least man of them was as big as the 
tallest of us, and the tallest of them was farre higher then 
any of us, they were strong men, and well proportioned of 
bodie and limbes, they went very fast, and swamme and 
dived under the water excellent well, their colour was alto- 
gether browne yellow, they were very curious in the 
dressing and trimming of their haire, some had it curled, 
some frizled, some wore it bound up in long folds, 
foure, five, or six, together, as our Women doe in 
Haire-laces, and some (which was strange to see) had 
their haire standing upright upon their heads, about 
a quarter of an elle long like Hogs bristles. The 
King had a long Locke of haire on the left side 
of his head, that hung downe beneath his hips, bound 
up with a knot or two. His Gentlemen had two such 
Lockes, on each side of their heads one, they went naked 
all alike both men and women, onely some little thing 
// is likely handsomely tyed before their privie members. The 
they have some women were very unsightly both in face and bodie, of small 
Reli^onbythe stature. Their haire cut close to their heads, as our mens 
^M^Candlsh ^^ Holland, their brests long hanging downe to their 
saw in other bellies like lether Satchels. They are very lecherous, for 
Hands of the they Suffer themselves to be used by their men openly in 
Ladrones, and all mens sight, and in the Kings owne presence, only under 
by the prayers ^ ]y[at. We could not perceive that they worshipped God, 
timed °'' ^"y Gods, or used any devotion, neither the one nor the 

other, but lived without care, like Birds in the Wood. 




They had no skill of buying or selling, but with flags they 

delivered us some-what, and we in like sort to them againe. 

They neither sowe, nor reape, nor doe any worke, There 

the Earth of it selfe yeelds all that they need to sustaine 

their lives : as Cocos, Ubas, Bananas, and such like fruit. 

When the water fals. The women looke upon the shore on 

the Sea side for fishes, and when they will, they take them 

with their Hookes, and eate them raw, so that there men 

may plainly behold and see the golden World, whereof the 

Poets write. When we left that Island, we called it Home Home Hand. 

Hand, after the name of the Towne from whence we came, 

and the Bay wherein we anchored, the Unities Bay, after 

our ships name : that day for the most part, we were busie 

to get out, and to hoyse up our Anchors, one of our Cables 

was fretted in peeces with the sharpnesse of the ground 

where it lay, so we lost that Anchor, and the Cable fretting 

upon a Clifi^e, brake as we wound it up and lost that 

Anchor also. This Bay lyes on the South side of the land, 

in a Docke under fourteene degrees fiftie six minutes. 

We departed the first of June ; the one and twentieth we June 

made towards land which we saw very low and going neere 

unto it, found many sands which stretcht North-west of 

from the land, there were three or foure Hands, all very 

small but full of Trees. There a Canoe boorded us, being 

of the same fashion as afore, but somewhat greater, able 

to hold five or sixe men. The men in all respects as the 

former, and spake the same Language, but somewhat 

blacker having some thing before their privie members. 

Their armes were Bowes and Arrowes, which were the first 

Bowes that we saw among the Indians in the South Sea, 

we gave them some Beades and Nayles, but they pointed 

toward the West to tell us that there was more land, where 

their King dwelt, and many things to be had. Therefore 

we held our course West-ward againe, finding no fit place 

to anchor in. This Hand lay South South-west, and West 

fi-om us, under foure degrees, fortie seven minutes. 

The two and twentieth the wind East South-East, we 
sayled West, and West and by North, under foure degrees, 




fortie five minutes, that quarter we had a good gale of 
wind, and faire weather, and that day saw at least twelve 
or thirteene Hands, one close by another. West South West 
from us, reaching South-East, and North-west about halfe 
a league, but sayled along by them, leaving them on Lar- 

The foure and twentieth the wind South, at noone we 
saw land on Lar-boord, being three low Hands, that lay 
South-west from us, very greene and full of Trees, two of 
them were two miles long a piece, the third very little: 
the shore was hard clifHe ground, there likewise wee could 
find no anchoring : we called them the Greene Hands. 
We also saw a high Hand that had seven or eight hovels 
forth right, lying West and by North from us, in the night 
wee held off and on, staying till day. 

The five and twentieth in the morning, as we were all 
sailing by the aforesaid Hand, we saw other land before 
us, in the South-west, which was exceeding high, which 
wee thought to bee the point of Nova Guinea, we made 
towards it, leaving the other high Hand that lay Westward, 

S.Johns Hand, which we called Saint Johns Iland, because it was Saint 
John Baptists day. About noone we got to it, and sailed 

[I. 11. 102.J along by it with an East South-East wind, but could find 
no anchor ground, we sent out our Shalop to sound the 
depth, and went along by the shore betweene the Ship and 
it, and being somewhat neere the shoare, there came two 
or three Canoas to it, with blacke Indians in them all naked 
without any thing before their members, which fiercely 
cast stones at our men with slings, but as soone as our men 
began to shoote at them they fled away. The Shalop came 
on boord againe, without finding any ground, telling us 
that the peoples language was cleane contrary to the for- 
mer. Wee sayled along by the coast, which was verie 
high and greene, pleasant to behold where we saw much 
land as it had beene houses ; at evening we got about the 
point into a Bay, there wee anchored at five and fortie 
fathome, unfit and uneven ground. The same evening 
there came two Canoas to the Ship, and spake to us, but 




wee understood them not, all that night they held watch 
against us, with fire all along their coast : we lay about a 
Cannon-shot distant from the shoare, against a running 
river : that night it was very still calme moone-shine 
weather, the wind on the land, there came some Canoes 
close under the Gallery of our Ship, from whence we threw 
them some beades, shewing them all the friendship wee 
could, withall making signes unto them, to bring us some 
Cocos nuttes, hogges, oxen or goates, if they had any, but 
they stayed still most part of the night by us, crying and 
hollowing after their manner. They were wild, blacke, 
and rude men. This land as we ghest, lay distant from the 
coast of Peru, one thousand eight hundred fortie leagues. 
The sixe and twentieth in the morning, there came eight 
Canoas about our Shippe, whereof one had eleven men in 
it, the others foure, five, sixe and seven men. They rowed 
close about our shippe, and were well furnished with armes 
after their manner, as Assagayes or Clubs, woodden Swords 
and Slings, we shewed them what friendship wee could, 
and gave them Beades and other trash, making signes to 
them to goe on shoare to fetch us Hogges, Hennes, Cocos 
nuttes, and other fruit, such as they had, but they had 
another meaning, and altogether began fiercely to Sling 
with their Slings and other weapons, thinking to master us, 
but wee standing upon our guard, shot with our Muskets 
and great shot amongst them, and slew at least tenne or 
twelve of them. They left the great Canoa, and three 
other, and leaping into the Sea swamme to land : we put 
out our Shalop, and rowed it among those that swamme 
away, and slaying some of them, brought three of them 
prisoners into our shippe, that were sore wounded, and 
foure of their Canoas, which we hewed in peeces, to make 
fire for the Cooke. The hurt men were cured, but one of 
them died ; about noone our men rowed with the two 
wounded men to the land, along the shore : there the 
prisoners cryed to their fellowes to bring us Hogs, Bananas 
and Cocos nuttes, wherewith one Canoa came aboord, that 
brought a little Hog, and a bunch of Bananas, wee set one 




of the men at tenne Hogs ransome, the other that was sore 
hurt, wee let goe in the Canoa, because we doubted he 
would not live, those men had two holes bored in their 
noses, on either side one, wherein they ware rings, strange 
to behold. There wee saw another Island lying North 
from that great Island. 

The seven and twentieth, wee fild our emptie vessels 
full of water, and that day wee got a Hog from the land, 
and there saw divers red Birds. 

The eight and twentieth, there came certaine Canoas 
aboord our Shippe, but brought nothing with them, neither 
would they ransome their man, therefore wee let him goe 
on shore againe. We thought those people to bee Papoos, 
for all their haire was short, and they eate Betell and 
Chalke mingled with it, that night wee hoysed Anchor, and 
set sayle, with a small gale of wind. 

The nine and twentieth, the wind was variable, and our 
course was North-west, and North-west and by North, 
with faire weather till noone, then it calm'd. At evening 
wee were still in the sight of the Point of the Island, and 
yet we sayled along by the land, which reached North- 
west, and North and by West, with many Bayes and 
Crookes. The same day we saw three high Islands more, 
that lay North-ward from the great Island, about five or 
sixe miles. Then we were under three degrees, twentie 

The thirtieth in the morning, driving in a calrae, divers 
Canoas, with blacke Indians came aboord our Ship, who in 
signe of peace, as they entred, brake their Assagayes over 
their heads : they brought us nothing, but desired some- 
thing of us. They seemed to be better and friendlier 
people then the other, for they covered their privie 
members with leaves, and had better kind of Canoas, set 
out before and behind with some carved workes ; they 
are very proud of their beades, which they paint with 
chalke, and the haire of their heads also. Upon the three 
or foure Islands, from whence those Canoas came, there 
was great store of Cocos trees. 




The first of July in the morning, we anchored betweene July. 
an Island of two miles long, and the firme land of Guinea : 
about noone there came twentie five Canoas toward our 
Ship, with many men well armed : being the same people, 
who the day before brake their Assagayes over their heads, 
and made a friendly shew unto us, but with intent to abuse 
us, as after it appeared, who seeing us to lie in a calme, 
thought to take our Ship from us. We had two Anchors 
hanging out before at the bough, a little puld up, whereon 
they sate, on each Anchor a man, with a Pingay or Girdle 
in their hands, wherewith they use to hold or draw forth 
their Canoas, and so thought to draw the Ship to shore : [I. ii. 103.] 
the rest hung fast upon the ship, wee still standing upon 
our guard : at last, they began fiercely to throw at us with 
stones and other weapons, and thereby hurt one of our 
men, being the first that was hurt in all our voyage, but 
wee shot among them with our Muskets, and with our 
upper tyre of Ordnance, and kild at least twelve or thir- 
teene of them, and hurt many more : and while they fled 
away, our men rowed with the Shalop, (well armed) after 
them, and tooke one prisoner, being a young man about 
eighteene yeeres old, whom we named Moses, after our 
mans name that was hurt. Those people eate bread made 
of rootes of trees. After this fight we sayled all along by 
the land, with a good gale, West North-west, and North- 
west and by West. 

The second, wee were under three degrees, twelve 
minutes, and that day saw low-land on Lar-boord, and also 
a great high hill, and right before us a low Island, wee 
sayled softly West North-west, with slight water East 

The third, we saw high land againe. West from us, about 
fourteene leagues from the other Island, under two degrees 
and fortie minutes. 

The fourth, as we were busied to passe by the aforesaid 
foure Islands, we saw at least twentie two or twentie three Many Islands. 
others, great and small, high and low, which we left on 
Star-boord, onely two or three on Lar-boord. They lay 
11 273 s 



close one by the other, some a league, or a league and a 
halfe, and some more then a Cannon shot, distant one 
from another, under two degrees twentie five or thirtie 
minutes little more or lesse. 

The sixth, sometimes we had a hard wind, and some- 
times calme with raine, lightening and thunder, and before 
noone saw a very high hill, being South-west from us 
which we sayled unto : our Master was of opinion that it 
was Banda, by reason it was very like to the hill called 
Geomenapi in Banda, and very like for height, but going 
neere unto it, wee might see two or three hills more like 
unto it, that lay on the North side of the first hill, about 
sixe or seven leagues distant, whereby we knew that it was 
not so. Behind that hill, we saw very much land, east 
and Westward, which was so long, that on either side wee 
could not see an end thereof, sometimes high, and then 
low, reaching East South-east, whereby wee ghest it to 
bee Nova Guinea, and for that night came upon us wee 
held off from it. 

The seventh in the morning, before day we wound 
againe towards the high hils, which was a burning Island, 
casting fire and flame from the top thereof, and therefore 
Vukans we called it Vulcans Island, the wind then was South-west 
Island, ^j^jj £^j^g weather. This Island was well inhabited, and 
had many Cocos trees in it, the people came with some 
Canoas to our Ship, but were very fearefuU of us : they 
called unto us, but wee understood them not, neither could 
our blacke Moores tell what they said : they were all naked, 
onely their privie members covered, their haire some short, 
some long. There we found no ground, and so could not 
anchor. In the North and North-west we saw more 
Islands, at which time wee went North-west and by West 
to a low Island that we saw before us, which iii the 
evening we got unto. Then we took in our sayles, and 
let the Ship drive. There we found divers colours of 
water, greene, white and yellow, which wee ghest to 
be water comming out of rivers, for it was sweeter 
then the Sea-water. There many trees, leaves, and 




boughs drave in the water, whereon some Birds and 

Crabs sate. 

The eighth, the wind beeing variable, we held our course 
West South-west, and West North-west, with faire 
weather, and a reasonable gale of wind, having on Starre- 
boord a high, and on Lar-boord a low Island, reasonable 
high, we made toward the land, which about Evening we 
got unto, and found good sandy ground at seventie 
fathome deepe, about a Cannon shot from the land. There 
certaine Canoas came to us, with a kind of ill-favoured 
people, all Papoos, their haire short, and curled, having 
Rings in their noses & eares, and strings about their heads 
or armes, and Hogs teeth hanging about their neckes, for 
an ornament. They also eate Betel, and were all defective 
persons, some great legs, others swolne armes, and so 
forth ; whereby it is to bee thought, that thereabout it is 
unholesome land, and the rather, because their houses 
stood upon stakes, about eight or nine foote from the 
ground, there wee had three degrees fortie three minutes, 
and found a little shew of Ginger. 

The ninth in the Morning, lying at Anchor, our Shalop 
rowed to looke for a fit place to anchor the shippe in, and 
returning told us, that they had found a fit Bay, where 
unto wee went, and anchored at twentie sixe fathome good 
sandy ground mixt with clay. There about stood two 
small Villages, from whence there came many Canoas 
aboord our Ship, that brought a few Cocos nuts, but they 
esteemed them very deare, for foure nuts asking a fathome 
of linnen cloth, whereof they were very desirous. They 
also had some Hogges, which they held at a deerer rate, 
and what neede soever we said we had thereof, and made 
signes to them to bring us some, they would not doe it. 
That day every man in our Ship had allowance of five 
pound of bread, and a measure and a halfe of oyle a weeke, 
a cup and a halfe of Sacke a day, and a Niperkin of 
Aquavita, all our Pottage, as Pease, Beanes, Gurts, and 
our Flesh, Bacon, and Fish beeing spent, and we knew 
not where we were, beeing uncertaine whether we were 




far or neere to the Indian Islands, as also what place we 
were in, though we sayled continually by the land, not 
knowing whether it was Nova Guinea or no : we onely 
[I. ii. 104.] ghest at it, for all the Cardes that we had did not agree, 
nor were like to the land that we saw. That land for the 
most part reacheth North-west and by West, sometimes 
some what more Westerly, and sometimes againe more 
Northerly. The twelfth, we sayled still West North-west, 
along by the Coast with faire weather, and without Sunne- 
shine, at noone beeing under two degrees, fiftie eight 
minutes, with helpe of the streame, that set us about the 
West, as it did all along the Coast of Nova Guinea. 

The thirteenth and roureteenth, we sayled along by the 
afore-said Coast, sometime by high and then by low land. 
The fifteenth, we had the wind, and held our course as 
afore-said, along by the Coast, with good weather, after 
noone we came to two low inhabited Islands, about halfe 
a league from the maine land, which stood fiall of Cocos 
trees. We made towards them, and there found good 
anchor ground, at forty, thirty, twentie five, and twenty, 
to sixe and five fathome deepe, and there anchored at 
thirteene fathome good ground. The Master rowed with 
the Boate and the Shalop well armed, to the land, thinking 
to get some Cocos nuts, which there were upon the land in 
great abundance : but going on shore, the Indians lay in 
ambush right against the place where we came to land, 
and watching for us, shot so fiercely at us with their 
Bowes, that they hurt at least sixteene of our men, some 
in the arme, others in the legge, necke, and hands, and 
other places. And we shot at them with Muskets and 
Slings, but at last by reason that the Indians shot so thicke, 
we were forced to retire, there we were under two degrees 
fiftie foure minutes. 

The sixteenth in the morning, we sailed in with our 
Ship betweene both the Islands, and anchored at nine 
fathome, where we had good lying, after noone our Boat 
and Shalop rowed to the lesser Island, to fetch some Cocos, 
and burnt two or three of the Indians houses : about 





Evening our men came aboord againe, and brought so 
many Cocos nuts, that every one of us had three nuts 
for his part. Those people are cleane naked, their privie 
members and all. 

The seventeenth in the morning, there came two or 
three Canoas towards our shippe, and threw Cocos nuts 
into the water, making signes to us to fetch them, whereby 
they sought to be friends with us. We made signes to 
them to come aboord, at last taking better courage, they 
came close to the Shippe, and brought us as many Cocos 
nuts, and Bananas as we desired, which we drew up by 
ropes into the gallery, giving them old nayles, rustie 
knives, and beads in barter ; they also brought us a little 
greene Ginger, and yellow Rootes, which are used in stead 
of Saffron, bartered also with us some of their Bowes and 
Arrowes, so that at last wee were great friends with them. 

The eighteenth, wee bartered still for Cocos nuts and 
Bananas, and some Cassavie and Papede, which is also to 
be had in East India. There we saw some Jarres or 
earthen pots, which as we thought came from the 
Spaniards. Those people were not so inquisitive to looke 
into our ship as others were ; for they knew what shooting 
with great Pieces meant, and called the Island wherein 
they dwelt Moa, which lay most Easterly, the other over Moa Island. 
against it they called Jusou, and the uttermost (beeing a Jusou. 
very high Hand) lying about five or sixe leagues from 
Nova Guinea, they named Arimoa. We bought as many Ar'moa. 
Cocos nuts and Bananas as we desired, so that every man 
had fiftie nuts, and two bunches of Bananas. Those 
people use Cassavie for their bread, but it is nothing like Cassavie. 
to that of the West Indies, they bake it also in round 

The twentieth in the morning we set sayle, after we 
had againe bartered for more victualls, they made signes 
to us to lie still, and they would bring us more. 

The one and twentieth, we sayled along by the land 
West North-west, and at noone were under one degree •■ 
thirteene minutes. Then we saw a number of Islands, 




whereunto the streame drave us, and about noone we got 
to them, and anchored at thirteen fathome. The evening 
we had much raine, thunder, and lightning. 

The three and twentieth in the morning we set sayle, 
with good weather and a good gale, and beeing a little 
from the land, sixe great Canoas followed us, (and yet 
wee saw no men on land) bringing dried fish, (which 
wee tooke to be Steenbrasses,) Cocos nuts. Bananas, 
Tabacco, and some small fruits like Prunes. There also 
came some Indians from an other Island that brought us 
some VictuaUs, that also had some China porceline, for we 
bartered for two dishes, whereby we were perswaded that 
many Christian shippes had been there, for they wondered 
not, as others did, at our shippe. They were another 
kind of people then the former, of a yellower colour, 
and greater of body ; some of them had long haire, some 
short, and also used Bowes and Arrowes, whereof wee 
had some in barter. They were very desirous of beads, 
and iron-worke, and had greene, blewe, and white glasse 
rings, sticking in their eares : which we ghest they had 
from the Spaniards. 

The foure and twentieth we were under halfe a degree, 
with a little gale, and sayled North-west, West and South- 
west, along by a faire great Island, very greene and 
Schoutem pleasant to behold, which we called William Schoutens 
Island. Island, after our Masters name, and the West point 

thereof, the Cape of Good Hope. 

The five and twentieth, we saw much land on Larboord 
lying South South-west from us, some very high, and 
some very low. The seven and twentieth we saw three 
Islands more, the Coast reacht North-west and by West. 
[I. ii. 105.] The seven and twentieth, we were under nine and 
twentie minutes South-ward of the line, and saw much 
land South-ward from us, some high, and some very low, 
and past West North-west along by it. 

The eight and twentieth and nine and twentieth the 
An Earth- weather was variable, that night wee had an Earthquake, 
quake. which made our men for feare to runne out of their 




cabbins, our Shippe seeming as if it stroke against the 
ground, but we cast out our lead, and found no ground. 

The thirtieth, we sayled in a great Bay or hollow place, 
so that we seemed to be round about inclosed with the 
land ; wee did our best to find an opening, but could not, 
and therefore sayled North-ward againe : that day it 
thundred and lightened so sore, that our Shippe shooke 
therewith, and sometime seemed to be on a light fire, 
wherewith we were in no small feare, and after it ensued 
so great a shower of raine that we never had seene the 
Hke before. 

The one and thirtieth we perceived that we were entred 
into a place where wee had the land round about us, 
therefore we held our course North, and that Evening past 
the Equinoctiall line the second time, and beeing closed by 
the land, anchored at twelve fathome good ground, about 
a Cannon shot from an Island, that lay close by the firme 
land, but there we saw no men nor any thing growing. 

The first of August, wee hoysed anchor with great August. 
labour, for it lay under a Cliffe, but at last we got it up, 
we were then fifteene minutes North-ward of the line, in 
the Evening with the hard streame, we went close to the 
land, and by reason it was calme, anchored in uneven 
ground, and not deepe. 

The second it was very calme, and we drave with the 
streame West and West and by North, with rainy 

The third, wee held our course as before, with a calme, 
and found a Banke, so farre in the Sea that wee could 
scarce see the Land, in some places being fortie, in an 
other twentie, fifteene, and twelve fathom sandie ground, 
wee anchored at twelve fathom, because it waxt night, 
and the Master desired to see how the streame went, it 
was West South-west. The same day wee were under 
five and thirtie minutes North-ward of the line, and saw 
many Whales, and Tortices. Wee ghest by the height, 
that wee were at the end of the land of Nova Guinea, 
having sayled along by the Coast two hundred and eightie 




leagues, that day we sawe two Islands more West-ward 
from us. Raynes and Calmes troubled us. 

The fift, in the morning, as our Shalop rowed to land, 
wee saw first two, and then three Canoas more come off 
from the land, and made towards our Shalop, and being 
hard by it, put out a Flagge of Peace, and our men the 
like, and then went aboord : the Canoas followed them 
and also came aboord, they brought us nothing but a 

Beans or muster, or shew of Indian Bounties and Erties, with some 
ease. Rjcg, Tabacco, and two Paradice Birds : wee bartered for 
one of them that was white and yellow. Wee could 
understand them reasonable well, for they spake Tarnata 
words, and one of them spake good Malaian, which 
language Aris Clawson our Marchant could speake well, 
some of them spake some Spanish, and among them they 
had a Spanish Felt. They wore faire clothes, about their 
middles, and some had Silke Breeches on of divers colours, 
some also had Wreathes about their heads, which they say 
were Turkes or Moores in Religion. They ware Gold 
and Silver Rings upon their fingers, their haire was all 
coale blacke. They bartered their ware with us for Beades, 
but rather desired Linnen : They were very warie and 
fearefuU of us. Wee askt them what the name of this 
Countrie was, but they would not tell us, but by many 
circumstances wee judged and verily beleeved, that wee 

Gihlo. were at the East end of Gilolo, on the middle-most Point 
of the Land, (for Gilolo reacheth out with three Points to 
the East) and that they were men of Tidore, friends to the 
Spaniards, as we also found it so to be, which made us all 
rejoyce, that after so many windings and turnings, and 
troubles endured, we were come to the place which wee 
knew, and hoped in short time to come among our 
Country-men, a thing which wee so long, and so much 
had hoped for and desired. 

The sixth day in the Morning we having a good gale. 
South South-east, and bad lying there, hoysed Anchor to 
goe on our Voyage to the Moluccos, and held our course 
North, with a good gale to goe North, about the North 




point of Gilolo. The seventh it rained, and we saw the 
North-east point of Gilolo, called Moratay, which lay Moratay. 
South-east from us. 

The eighth about noone, we were under foure degrees 
three minutes North-ward of the line, that night it rained • 
hard with thunder and lightening, there we found the 
streame to go Northward. The ninth and tenth the Wind 
was variable, with rainie weather, and we were under the 
height of three degrees fiftie minutes. The eleventh in the 
Morning, we sawe the land of Gilolo called Moratay 
againe, on the North-east point of Gilolo, we did the 
best wee could to reach it, but the streame put us off The Current. 
from the land towards the North, and could not reach it 
that day. 

The twelfth and thirteenth, we were under two degrees 
fiftie eight minutes, with variable winds, and much raine ; 
and the like the foureteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth. The 
seventeenth with great labour and much trouble we got [I. ii. 106.] 
under the land, late in the Evening, and drave along by 
the Coast with faire weather : that night we saw many 
fires upon the land. 

The eighteenth it was still weather, and we drave along 
by the Land : about noone two Canoes came to us with 
a flag of Peace, from the Village called Soppy ; they were Soppy. 
Tarnataens, with whom we could speake well, and some of 
them were of Gammacanor : they shewed us, that a Pinnace 
of Amsterdam had laine there three moneths to lade Rice, 
and that about a moneth or two before, also an English 
ship had beene there. How glad we were then when we 
were so well assured, that wee were come to so good and 
long desired a place, after so much paine and trouble that 
we had endured, with eightie five sound men, when we 
had spent all our victuals, every man may judge that 
hath proved the like adventure. There we were under 
two degrees, fortie seven minutes, and anchored at eight 
and twentie fathome : some of those men stayed that night 
with us, the next day to bring us to the Road of Soppy. 

The nineteenth we sayled into the Bay, and there 




anchored at ten fathome sandie ground, about a Canon 
shot from the shore. That day we bartered for some 
Sagow, some Hennes, two or three Tortoyses, and a Httle 

Sepumber. The seventeenth of September we had a good gale, 
and did our best to get to Tarnata : that morning besides 
we saw a sayle to looseward from us, which also made 
towards Tarnata, being the Morning Starre of Roterdam, 
of three hundred Tunnes burthen, having in her sixe and 
twentie great Peeces. At noone our Shalop came from 
that ship, where she had lyen three nights, they being in 
the Creeke of Sabou, found there the Admirall Verhaghen 
there, in one of the Admirall Speilberg his ships, by whose 
men we understood of Speilbergh his Acts and Voyage. 

They also told us, that there were ten ships well fur- 
nished at the Manillas, their Generall being John 
Dirickeson Lam of Home, to set upon the Spanish fleet, 
that were comming to Tarnata. We also understood, that 
Peter Bot sayling home with foure ships, was cast away, 
upon Mauricius Hand, with three ships, by meanes of a 
storme that cast him upon the Cliffes, where many of his 
men and himselfe also was drowned, the fourth ship scapt. 

October. The three and twentieth of October we set sayle, and 
the eight and twentie went by lacatra, where we anchored 
without the Hand : there we found three ships of Holland ; 
the Home, the Eagle, and the Trou ; and three Enghsh 
ships. The next night one of our men dyed, which was 
the first man that dyed that voyage, in the Unitie, besides 
two more that dyed in the Home : the one John Corneli- 
son Schouten, our Masters brother, in the South Sea, by 
the Dogs Island, and one about the Coast of Portugall : 
so that untill then, there dyed but three men in both the 
ships, and then we had left eightie foure men living, all 
indifferently well. 

The one and thirtieth, the ship called Bantam, with 
John Peterson Koeven of Home, President of Bantam, 
for the East India Company, came before lacatra. 

The first of November, the President John Peterson 




Koeven sent for William Cornelison Schouten our Master, 
and the Marchants, to come on land, where being come 
(in the presence of his Councell there assembled) he told 
them in the name of the East Indian Companie, that they 
must leave their ship and goods there, and deliver it up 
into his hands : and although our Master shewed him 
many reasons, to perswade the contrarie, saying, that they 
did them great wrong, they were forced to doe as the 
President appointed them, who told them, that if they 
thought they did them wrong, that they should right 
themselves in Holland : and so our ship and goods was 
stayed and attached there. To receive the ship and all 
her furniture, the President appointed two Masters of 
ships, and two Marchants, which was delivered by Inven- 
tory unto them, by our Master & the Marchant. This 
was done upon Munday the first day of November, after 
our reckoning ; but upon a Tuesday the second of ^ ^"-^ <^^ff^^- 
November, by our Countrimens reckoning there. The Nation of time 
reason of the difference of the time fell out thus : as we how caused. 
sayled Westward from our owne Countrey, and had with 
the Sunne compassed the Globe of the World, wee had one 
night, or Sun-setting, lesse then they : and they that come 
out of the West, and sayle to the East, thereby had one 
day or Sun-setting more then wee, which make a quarter 
difference, and so as we made our reckoning of the time 
then with our selves, and did the like with our Countri- 
men, that weeke wee lost the Tuesday, leaping from 
Munday to Wednesday, and so had one weeke of six 

Our ship being in this manner taken from us, some of 
our men put themselves into service with the East Indian 
Company. The rest were put into two ships, (that were 
to goe home into Holland) called the Amsterdam, and the 
Zeland : their GeneraU, being George van Speilberghen. 
The Master William Cornelison Schouten, Jacob le Maire, 
and ten of our men, went with the Generall in the Amster- 
dam, the Masters name John Cornelison May, alias 
Meuscheater : and Aris Clawson, and the Pilot Claus 




Peterson, with ten others, in the Zeland, the Masters 
name Cornelis Riemlande of Midleburgh, which set sayle 
from Bantam the fourteenth of December. 

The two and thirtieth our Marchant Jacob le Maire 

The first of January, 1617. we lost the sight of the 

The foure and twentieth, we were under the Hand 
Mauricius at anchor, where wee refiresht our selves ; and 
the thirtieth set sayle from thence. 
[I. ii. 107.] The sixt of March, as we ghest, we past the Cape, but 
saw it not. 

The one and thirtieth, we were under the Hand of 
Saint Helena. Where we found the Zeland, which 
arrived there certaine dayes before us. 

The sixt of Aprill after we had refresht our selves, and 
taken in fresh water, both our ships set sayle, and the 
fourteenth of Aprill saw the Hand of Ascention. 

The three and twentieth we saw two ships to loose-ward 

from us under one degree South-ward of the Line, but 

because we could not reach them, wee held on our course. 

The foure and twentieth in the morning, we were the fift 

time under the Equinoctiall Line, and the eight and 

twentieth we saw the North-starre, which wee had not 

seene in twentie moneths before. The first of July we 

came with the Amsterdam into Zeland, where the 

day before the Zeland likewise was arrived : 

And so performed our Voyage in 

two yeares, and eighteene 





Navigations and Voyages 

of English-men, alongst the Coasts of Africa, to 
the Cape of Good Hope, and from thence to 
the Red Sea, the Abassine, Arabian, Per- 
sian, Indian, Shoares, Continents, 
and Hands. 

[I. iii. 109.] 


Chap. I. 

Of the first English Voyages to the East-Indies, 
before the establishment of the East-Indian 

§■ I. 

Of Sighelmus, Mandevile, Stevens, Fitch, and divers 

other English-men, their Indian Voyages. 

Aving now taken Sea- view of the Universe, 
and incompassed the whole Circumference 
of the Globe, in the former sixe Voyages ; 
the first of Portugalls and Spaniards, the 
second and third of English, the three 
last of Hollanders, therein not a little 
furthered by English Pilots, and their 
Notes, as is before observed of Melis, Adams and others : 
Wee are in the next place, to take more exact survey of 


T/ie English 
Drake and 
Canduh, first 
Compassers of 
the world, and 
the mostfi>rtu- 
nate: Magel- 
lans ship, not , 
himselfe ' 

ejected amore 
happy Voyage, 
whom the Hol- 
landers fol- 
lowed, guided 
by English in- 
structions, and 
Marriners not 
their fortunes. 




the world in the principall Navigations, to the most 
famous and remote Regions thereof. Glorious and happy 
were those sixe Worthies, which prooved themselves true 
Sonnes of the Sunne and Tethys, a farre more Germane 
and Genuine issue, then that daring Phaeton, who asked 
and attempted his Fathers Chariot, but exchanged it and 
himselfe for this miserable Epitaph. 

Quem si non cecidit, magnis tamen excidit ausis. 

But these have attained what they sought, and what hee 

I , in his Vulcanian Chariot lost, these in Neptunian Chariots 

;; gained, and followed the Sunne round about the world; 

at once seeming to imitate the heavenly Orbes (as so many 

Terrestriall Planets) and to rule the Elements, spurring the 

Ayre, bridling the Ocean, contemning the narrow limits 

of known Earth, & filling the world with their Fame. But 

Others also, for their Marine adventures are worthy 

honour, if not compassing that honour of those First 

Worthies (worthy to bee reputed First, and Worthies) 

yet in another kind, attempting as great a designe, of as 

dangerous hazard, long Perigrination, costly expence, and 

profitable advantage, as the former. Such were those 

which have passed the blacke Guineans, and doubled the 

* Cape of * Hopeful! Promontory, from thence piercing into the 

flo ope. Erythraean and Indian Seas, Lands, Islands, enriching our 

World, with a world of rarities for contemplation and 


To leave to other Nations Suapraemia laudi, the English 
exploits in this kind are the subject of this Booke, 
especially theirs, which since the establishing of the East 
Indian Company, or Societie of Marchants, have traded 
those parts ; which was begun in the happy and flourishing 
Praise of Reigne of that Glorious Elizabeth, whose Name could 
p""J"L,i. not end with her life, but as then it filled the Christian, 
Turkish, Persian, American, Indian, worlds of Place ; so 
still it seemes to begin, renue, and flourish in glorious 
verdure, and to promise a perpetuall Spring thorow all 
Worlds and Ages of Time. Before Her times I confesse 





divers of our Nation have merited honour in this attempt, 

as Sighelmus, Bishop of Shire-borne, sent by that famous Sighelmus Ms 

and religious King Alfred, to Saint Thomas his Sepulchre ^''"^f'" '" 

in India, whence hee brought precious Spices and Jewels, 

Anno 883. twice recorded by William of Malmesbury : as W.Mdm. de 

likewise a certaine English-man mentioned by Matthew ^"i 'iorum'l3 

Paris, Anno 1243. which travelled the East part of the degest.Episc. 

world with the Tartars in their famous expeditions : That Aug. 

I say nothing of Sir John Mandevill his many yeeres 

travell through all the East, written by himselfe ; and by 

that famous Geographer Ortelius, commended for his 

Geography (I feare, corrupted by some leaden Legendary 

spirit in other passages) and many Others, which Histories 

dignifie in the time of the Holy-land warres, for their 

Easterne travells, and many more, no doubt, buried in the 

ruines of Time, by Oblivion and Obscuritie. 

In her time wee have record of divers Indian Voyages 
by English-men, before that Societie began. 

First, the Voyage of Thomas Stevens, from Lisbone to T^^o"'"' 
Goa, by the Cape of Good Hope, was written by himselfe ^^^"^' 
from Goa, the tenth of November, 1579. and is extant in 
Master Hakluits second Tome of Voyages. 

Likewise the Voyage of Master Ralpe Fitz, by Syria and ^"tph Fitz. 
Babylonia, to Ormus, and thence into, and through many 
Countries of the East Indies, begunne 1583. and con- 
tinued till 1 59 1, is to be read in the said second Tome 
of Master Hakluit, and in Linschoten. 

Also a Voyage, 1591. with three tall Ships, the Pene- George Ray- 
lope, Admirall; the Marchant Royall, Vice-Admirall ; J^lli- 
and the Edward Bonaventure, Rere- Admirall ; to divers caster. 
Islands and Regions of the East Indies, by Master George 
Raymond ; of which the Marchant Royall, was sent backe 
from Soldanha neere the Cape Bona Esperanza, which both 
the other Ships doubled, and neere the Cape Dos Corientes 
were severed by a storme, and the said Voyage was onely 
accomplished by Master James Lancaster in the Rere- 
Admirall. For these I referre the desirous Reader to 
Master Hakluits Printed Booke. This last Voyage I have 




by mee, written by Henrie May, Purser of the said Ship ; 

but because his relations are principally touching the 

accidents in their returne, wherein he was cast away in a 

French Ship on the Bermudas, I have refer'd that discourse 

to a fitter place. 

^"^"^T^" In the fourth place, wee may reckon those English-men 

'Voyages ^^ divers of those Dutch voyages about the Globe, 

Timothy Shotten, Thomas Spring, John Cald-well, and 

others. Yea the name of English-men were so famous 

^ J '' in the East, that the Hollanders in their first trade thither, 

varnished their obscuritie with English lustre, and gave 

out themselves English. 

Moreover, Master John Newbury, was not onely com- 
panion with Master Ralph Fitch in his said Voyage, and 
prisoner with him at Goa : but before that, in the yeere 
1580. had travelled to Ormus, and thence into the Con- 
tinent (as by his Journall, which I have, in fitter place may 
appeare) passing through the Countries of Persia, Media, 
Armenia, Georgia, Natolia, to Constantinople, and thence 
into Danubius, Valachia, Polonia, Prussia, Denmarke, and 
so into England. 

§. IL 

The Voyage of Master Benjamin Wood, into 
the East Indies, and the miserable disastrous 
successe thereof. 

Join New- 

N the yeere 1596. by the charges principally of Sir 
Robert Dudly, was set forth a Fleete of three 
Ships, the Beare, the Beares Whelpe, and the 
Benjamin, committed unto the command and conduct of 
Master Benjamin Wood. The Marchants imployed in 
this Voyage, were. Master Richard Allot, and Master 
Thomas Bromfield, of the Citie of London. These men 
for their better furtherance, intending to pierce as farre as 
China, obtained the gracious Letters of Queene Elizabeth 
of famous memory to the King of China in their behalfe, 
which begin in this manner. 



Elizabetha, Dei gratia, Anglise, Franciae, & Hiberniae See the whok 
Regina, verse & Christianse fidei contra omnes falso Christi ^f''^^ ^''*- 
nomen profitentes invictissima rropugnatnx, &c. Altis- g^, 
simo, Serenissimoque, Principi, Potentissimo Magni 
Regni Chinae Dominatori, summo in illis Asise Partibus, 
Insulisque adjacentibus Imperatori, & Magno in Orientali- [!• "i- m-] 
bus Mundi Regionibus Monarchae, salutem, multosque 
cum omni optimarum rerum copia & affluentia laetos & 
foelices annos. Cum honesti & fideles subditi nostri, qui 
has literas nostras ad Serenitatem vestram perferunt, 
Ricardus Allot & Thomas Bromfield, &c. Datae in 
Palatio nostro Grenovici XI. Mens. Julii Anno Christi 
1596. annoque nostri Regni XXXVIII. 

This their honourable expedition, and gracious com- 
mendation by her Majestic to the King of China in their 
marchandizing affaires, had not answerable successe ; but 
hath suffered a double disaster; first, in the miserable 
perishing of the Fleet, and next in the losse of the 
Historic and Relation of that Tragedie. Some broken 
Plankes, as after a shipwracke, have yet beene encountered 
from the West Indies, which give us some notice of this 
East Indian disadventure. Quae Regio in terris nostri 
non plena laboris? This intelligence wee have by the 
intercepted Letters of Licentiate Alcasar de Villa Seiior, 
Auditor of the Royall Audience of Saint Domingo, and 
Judge of Commission in Puerto Rico, and Captaine 
Generall of the Provinces of New Andalusia, written to 
the King and his Royall Councell of the Indies. An 
extract whereof, so much as concerneth this businesse, 
here foUoweth. Wherein, let not the imputation of 
Robbery or Piracie trouble the Reader, being the words 
of a Spaniard, and the deeds of English in the time of 
warre twixt us and Spaine. 

An extract of 

AN other Commission your Royall Audience committed ^ Spanish 
unto mee, to punish offenders that did usurpe a great , , 
quantitie of goods of your Majesties, in the Island of Master Hak- 
Utias. Of the state that I had in the end of the last kits papers. 

II 289 T 


1 001, 

yeere, I sent relation to your Majestie, inserting a declara- 
tion of one Thomas an English man, of the goods that in 
the said Island hee and his companions had, and for this 
onely I will make a summarie relation of the Case, and 
the state of the Suite, by the which will appeare, that out 
of England went three Shippes for the India orientall of 
'^^'ff-^'"f' Portugall, which tooke three Portugall Shippes, subjects 
TytieEngM *° 7°^^ Majestie, whereof one of them came from the 
Citie of Goa, and from the Captaine they tooke a great 
rich stone, which he said hee carried for your Majestie, 
the proportion whereof went in the said Relation. They 
had in them also many bagges of Royalls of eight and 
foure, for the pay of the Souldiers, which your Majestie 
hath in Garrison, in a Castle Frontire of the said India; 
and the said English-men rob'd them of it, and much 
more goods appertaining to your Majesties subjects : and 
by sicknes of the English-men, remained only foure, which 
in a boat put all the goods they could, which they had 
robbed from your Majestie and your subjects, and with 
it chanced to a River in the Island of Utias, three leagues 
from this Island : where they tooke out their goods on 
land, where their Boat was sunke and lost : so they 
remained on th' Island, with only one small Boat made 
of boords, which they had taken from certaine Fisher- 
men, at the head of Saint John of this Island : with the 
which they came for water hither, and left one George an 
English-man, one of the foure that arrived in the said 
Island of Utias. Who being found by Don Rodrigo de 
Fuentes, Juan Lopez de Alizeda, Juan Morales, Juan 
Martinis, Juan Ruiz, Pedro Chamacho ; He gave them 
notice of the things above said, and of the Stone, Stones, 
Gold, Plate, Testones, and other goods that was in the 
said Island, and the parts and place where the three 
English-men and their goods they might find. Where- 
upon they consulted and agreed, to passe to the said 
Island of Utias to possesse and benefit themselves with 
the goods that they should there find, and so they past 
over, and carried with them a Letter of George the 




English-man, that his companions should deliver them- 
selves to them, with their weapons and goods. And being 
come neere to the place where the English-men were, they 
set up a white Flagge of Peace, and the English-men 
seeing this, set up another, and so came peaceably to speake 
together, where they promised them their Faith and 
Friendship : whereupon the English-men yeelded them- 
selves, with their armes and goods to the said Don Rodrigo, 
and his consorts : who tooke possession of all, and parted 
among themselves the money, and hid and kept secret the 
Stone, and Stones, Gold, Plate and other goods, leaving 
a small quantitie of Plate in barres, and Silkes to make 
this small part manifest, that the truth might not be 
knowne what quantitie of Stones, Gold, Plate, and the 
rest of the goods they usurped. They consulted and 
agreed to murther the English-men, with whom they had 
eaten, drunke, and slept in company of peace : who having 
kil'd Richard and Daniel, and would have kil'd Thomas, 
hee escaped into the mountaine from them, and the said 
Don Rodrigo and his consorts came backe againe to this 
Island, with intent to kill, as they did kil George the 
English-man with poyson, & sent backe again to the said 
Island of Utias, to seeke Tomas for to kill him also ; 
who with a piece of Timber passed over to this Island with 
great admiration. They having knowledge thereof, 
sought all the meanes they could to kill him. Here the 
said Don Rodrigo, and Juan Lopez, de Aliceda, came to 
this Citie and before the Governour manifested and made 
denuntiation of a small quantitie of goods that they found 
in Utias, and the rest of their complices presented them- 
selves for witnesse, falsly prooving that they had found no 
more goods, then that little that they there manifested, 
and that they had kil'd three English-men in fight to get 
it. And thus they plotted many false informations, before 
Christo vail de Marcado, a chiefe Officer, which was sent 
with Commission of your Governour, to fetch the Plate [I. iii. 112.] 
and goods so manifested, and by their perswasion many false 
witnesses have deposed, who have used many tricks, inven- 




tions, cavills, & false devises to cover the truth ; and they 
sent by three passages to the Island of Utias, to approve 
the so killing of the three English-men, and that their 
manifestation was true, intending to remaine with the 
rest, which they usurped, who understanding that there 
were diligences done to approve their delict, some of them 
have broken the Prisons and Goales, and fled out of them, 
especially the sayd Don Rodrigo de Fuentes. Who being 
in prison with a chaine and bolts, and two Souldiers for 
guard, hee fyled ofi^ his Irons, broke the prisons, and 
fledde away by night, and carried with him two Blacke- 
Moores of his that were attached for your Majestie, and 
went to the River of Toa, two leagues from the Citie, 
where hee remained a long time in sight of this Citie, 
with a Horse, Lance, PistoU and Sword, whom being 
favoured of many kinsfolkes and friends of his wife, I 
cannot apprehend, although I did many diligences, in the 
meane while I tooke the examination of his complices who 
have confest the deed, and that the said Don Rodrigo is 
Actor of all ; by whose counsell and direction they 
were all governed. But they have not declared all 
the Stones, Gold, Plate, and Amber, saying that they 
were in the Island separated and devided, that the 
one might hide his things without the privitie of 
the other. The proovances and likelihoods doe much 
charge the said Don Rodrigo, and therefore I have 
proceeded against him, for Absence and Rebellion, 
and they discovered in their confessions all their Com- 
plices ; whom I have examined for witnesses one against 
another, being a case wherein Complices may serve for 
witnesses. This cause being concluded by an extra- 
ordinarie diligence, I have apprehended him, and for that 
the sute is of two thousand leaves, I have made a 
memoriall to take his confession of more then two 
hundred questions, and he hath confessed almost as much 
as his Complices, and denieth to have the great stone and 
the rest ; the said Don Rodrigo having taken from Daniel 
the English-man two chaines of Gold, the one hanged with 




an Agnus Dei, and the other with a Crucifixe of Gold, and 
with it a collar of Gold, which Thomas the English-man 
dedareth to have fiftie pieces Ameled, to bee worne for a 
womans chaine, with certaine Braslets and Rings of Gold 
with many smaU Stones : which declareth the said Juan 
Martines, one of his Complices, and the said Don Rodrigo 
onely confesseth two Chaines and three Rings, which he 
saith were stolne from him, and his said Complices, having 
declared that three bags of Testones, of eight and foure 
Royalls which fell to the part of him and John Ruiz, they 
had past to this Island, which the said John Ruiz hath 
confest, and as witnesse hath declared that hee brought 
them, and carried them by the order of the said Don 
Rodrigo unto his house, which hee will not deliver, saying, 
That they were stolne from him in the mountaine where 
hee did hide them : and his Complices having declared 
that he tooke in the said Island, a great masse of broken 
Silver, which Thomas the English-man declareth to be 
fiftie pound weight, the said Don Rodrigo denieth the 
same. And having taken more two sackes of Plate in 
barres, which by witnesse I did proove to weigh more then 
two hundred pound weight each of them ; hee hath 
delivered of all this onely tenne pound and a halfe, and 
saith that he spent and sold twelve pound, and a pound 
and a halfe was stolne out of his house, and that hee gave 
to Christopher de Mercado twentie and six pound, when he 
went with Commission from your Governour to fetch the 
Plate manifested : he denieth all the rest, affirming that he 
brought from the Island of Utias a Pot full of Plate, 
which hee saith fell from him into a River. And having 
prooved that he carried tokens from George the English- 
man where he should find the great Stone in a Presse, 
made up betweene two Boords, hee denieth the same : and 
having prooved that the first time that hee went to the 
Island, hee brought thence a Purse of Velvet, without 
telling or shewing to his companions what was in it at 
the mouth thereof, did appeare certaine Boords of the 
Volume of two hands together, and it is presumed it was 




that whereinto Thomas the English-man declareth the 
Stone was put, and hee will not deliver the said Purse, 
saying, that it was stolne from him : he declareth and 
manifesteth some little pieces of wood that he brought in 
it, and two witnesses his Complices declare that those small 
pieces that he manifesteth he brought out of the same 
Island many dayes after, being sent thither by order of the 
said Christopher de Mercado. Many other tokens and 
presumptions concurre that hee hath the said Stone 
and the rest, and the rest of the Stones. It is like- 
wise prooved, presently after they returned from the 
said Island, the first time that they passed thither, 
it was publikely said and famed, that the said Don 
Rodrigo had found a Stone of great value, and to 
cover the truth hee was furnished with many In- 
formations, which I have prooved to bee false, which 
were past before Christopher de Mercado, when hee went 
with the said Commission to bring the goods manifested: 
for the which the said Don Rodrigo gave him the said 
twentie sixe pound of Plate, and hee and his Complices 
one hundred two and twentie Crownes of Gold, and foure 
hundred and fiftie Royalls of Foure, and others things of 
the goods that they usurped in the said Island. The said 
Don Rodrigo directed his Complices what they should say 
and do, and therefore they told not the truth in many 
examinations that I tooke of them, till such time that 
the said Don Rodrigo was fled out of the prison : so 
fayling of his counsel, they presently declared and con- 
fessed the fact, will serve for witnesses, and it doth appeare 
by many other witnesses that they before denyed the 
truth, and after his escape they declared the same, and 
[I. iii. 1 1 3.] concealed the same before at the request and perswasion 
of the said Don Rodrigo also appeareth, that hee sent 
three small Carvels to the Hand, to the place where they 
said they had killed three English men in fight, and he 
confesseth he did the same, to the end that his first 
Declaration might seeme to bee true, that he sent them 
by order of the said John Lopez de Alyceda, Constable 




of the vale of Coa, mo ; which hath no Jurisdiction Civill 
nor Criminall. So I apprehended him and committed him 
and having brought the said Thomas English man, to this 
Citie who declaring before your Governour by Interpreter 
the fact of this Sute, the said Don Rodrigo procured to 
kill him, and for the same he requested of the Licentiate 
Antonio de Robles Physician, a proportion of Poyson, 
which both he and the said John Martine have declared : 
and appearing that the said John Lopez did not passe to 
the said Hand as Constable, nor carryed with him any 
Scrivener of two that were present when they imbarked 
themselves, and having confest, and as a witnesse declared 
that he past to the Hand, not as an Officer, but as a com- 
panion, and therefore tooke his share of the Testones, the 
said Don Rodrigo holdeth for his principall defence, to 
have passed to the Hand with a Constable, and that all 
was done by his order, and that the said Informations were 
false. I have charged the said Don Rodrigo, of these 
and other offences that by the Processes appeare, and 
commanded that he might have a Copie of them that with 
in the space of fifteene dayes, hee might alleage and prove 
what was convenient in his right, with all charge of publi- 
cation, conclusion and scitation for all the acts and 
sentences, leaving the Processes in Rebellion made against 
him in his force and vigor. He let passe the said Terme, 
and I granted him other three Termes of fifteene dayes, 
which likewise he let passe, and in the end of them hee 
refused me, and generally all the Inhabitants in this Citie, 
and thirtie leagues about it, excepting only sixe friends 
of his, and your Royall Officers they refused. So I 
accompanied myselfe only with one Bailiffe, for the time 
of tryall, reserving to have power to accompanie myselfe 
for the sentence with your Auditor which is looked for 
heere, and commeth to this Port for your Royall Audience 
of Sancto Domingo, and I granted him the fourescore 
dayes of the Law, and hee hath made no proofe nor can 
make none. For all that were in the said Hand of Utias 
have declared the delicts of the which the said Don 




Rodrigo is charged, and there will bee found no other by 
whom to make proofe of any thing to the contrary : and 
the cause being concluded, the said Audites past without 
entring into this Port. And the said Bailiffe and other 
persons that I pretended to accompany mee refbsed me, 
saying, that if they did Justice, the Kindred of the Wife 
of the said Don Rodrigo, which have taken his part would 
doe them harme, and in not doing the same, they did 
charge their consciences : and notwithstanding any person 
with whom I might be accompanied, that might not be 
without suspect, and the refiasall was so generall and 
availeable, I accompanied myselfe at the last with 
Batcheler Joseph DereboUedone, Naturall of the Island of 
the Canaries, which chanced to come to this Port. Like- 
wise the said Juan Ruiz being Prisoner, brake his Prison 
and Gaole, and withdrew himselfe into the Cathedrall 
Church of this Citie, and made himselfe strong in the 
Tower from whence I gate him, and a Sute was followed 
before the Judge Ecclesiasticall, where I defended your 
Majesties right, and made an Information in the which I 
alleaged all the said goods to belong to your Majestic, hee 
having committed Robbery in the usurpation of it, and 
other grievous Delicts, that they ought not to enjoy the 
Immunitie Ecclesiasticall which hee pretended : and with 
many judgements and opinions of Theologie, the Judge 
Ecclesiasticall gave sentence that he ought not to be 
releeved of the said Immunitie Ecclesiasticall, for that by 
the said Information may be better understood. This 
Sute and Justice of your Majestic, which I have thought 
good to send : and if to the contrary the said Don Rodrigo 
doe write, may be understood the credit that may be given 
to one that hath done such Delicts ; and made so many 
Inventions and false Informations : to obscure and remayne 
without punishment with your Royall goods. 

A conclusion of the Sute was made with them all, and 
I gave and pronounced sentence, in the which I condemned 
the said Juan Lopez, exaliced Juan Ruis, Joan Martines, 
Pedro Camacho to death, and losse of halfe their goods 




applyed for your Majesties Chamber : and more I con- 
demned the afore-said in solidum, and that within five 
dayes of the notification of this my sentence, they give 
and deliver the goods that they shared, all that yet 
remayneth undelivered to the accomplishment of that 
which Thomas the English hath declared, therefore said, 
and his companions to have taken in the Hand of Utias, 
of which they afore-said, and Complices were possest of, 
hid and kept secret, that it might be put unto your 
Majesties Chests, whose it is and to whom it doth belong. 
The same sentence I gave with my Companion against 
the said Don Rodrigo de Fuentes, and remaynes pro- 
nounced in secret, having others to sentence that they may 
come forth together in the pronuntiation. I command that 
within the five dayes they deliver the said goods : which 
not accomplishing, I did command a Mandate to be 
dispatched, that they may bee executed : with the which, 
I hope, to discover these goods, and they shall be restored 
to your Majestie, for the which I will doe aU the diligence 
possible for my intention is not to execute them. And 
thus God keep the Catholike person of your Majestie. 
From Portorico the second of October, 1601. 

§■ III- [I. iii. 114.] 

The Travailes of John Mildenhall into the Indies, 

and in the Countryes of Persia, and of the ^'{""y Pf 
Great Mogor or Mogull (where he is reported ^.cap.j.l.^. 
afterwards to have died of * Poyson) written by 
himselfe in two Letters following. 

He twelfth of February, in the yeere of our Lord 
God 1599. I, John Mildenhall of London, Mer- 
chant, tooke upon me a Voyage from London 
towards the East-Indies, in the good Ship called the 
Hector of London, Richard Parsons being Master, which 
carried a Present to the Grand Seigneur in the same 
Voyage. The seven and twentieth of April, 1599. we April zj 
arrived at Zante, where I frighted a Satca, and went into '599- 




May 1600. 


the Island of Cio, from thence to Smyrna, and from thence 
to Constantinople, where I arrived the nine and twentieth 
of October, 1599. and there I staied about my Merchan- 
dize till the first of May, 1600. Sir Henry Lillo beeing 
then Embassador : upon which day I passed from Con- 
stantinople to Scanderone in Asia, where in company of a 
Chaus, and some sixe other Turkes, I tooke my Voyage 
for Aleppo over land, and arrived in Aleppo the foure 
and twentieth day of the said May in safetie, without any 
trouble or molestation by the way, and there abode two 
and fortie dayes, finding there Master Richard Coulthrust 
July 7 1600. for ConsuU. And the seventh of July, 1600. I departed 
from Aleppo, in companie with many other Nations, as 
Armenians, Persians, Turkes, and divers others, to the 
number of sixe hundred people in our Carravan, and 
onely of English M. John Cartwright, Preacher : from 
whence we went to Bir, which is within three dayes 
journey, and stands upon the edge of the river Euphrates. 
From thence we went to Ursa, which is five dayes journey, 
which we found very hot. From thence we went to 
Caraemit, which is foure dayes journey. From thence 
to Bitelis, a City under the government of a Nation called 
the Courdes, yet under the subjection of Constantinople, 
which is seven dayes journy : and from thence to Van, 
which is three dayes journy from Bitelis, a City of great 
strength, and by the side of the Castle is a great Lake of 
salt water, navigable, and is in compasse nine dayes journey 
about, which I myselfe have rowed round about. And 
once a yeere, at the comming down of the snow waters 
from the Mountaines, there is abundance of Fish, which 
come of themselves to one end of the Lake, which I may 
compare to our Herring-time at Yermouth, where the 
Countrey-people doe resort from divers places, and 
catch the said Fish in great abundance, which they salt, 
and dry, and keepe them all the yeare for their food : the 
Fish are as big as Pilcherds. From thence we went to 
Nacshian, which is sixe dayes journey : and from Nacshian 
to Chiulfal, which is halfe a dayes journey, and there we 






A great Lake 
of salt water. 





Stayed eighteene dayes. From thence we went to Sul- 
tania, and from thence to Casbin in Persia, which is fifteene Sultania. 
dayes journey, and there we abode thirty dayes. From ^''•'^"'• 
thence to Com, which is three dayes journey : from thence Com. 
we went to Cashan, which was seven dayes journey. From Cashan. 
thence M. Cartwright departed from us, and went to 
Spauhoan, the chiefe Citie in Persia : from Cashan to 
Yesd, which is tenne dayes journey. From thence I went Yesd. 
to Curman, which is tenne dayes journey ; and from thence 
to Sigistam, which is foureteene daies journey : and from 
thence to Candahar, which is also foureteene dayes journey. 

The Second Letter of John Mildenhall to M. 
Richard Staper, written from Casbin in Per- 
sia, the third day of October, 1606. 

Orshipfiill Sir, my duty remembred : Not 
having any other of more auncient love 
then yourselfe, I have thought good to 
remember the manifold curtesies received, 
and partly to requite them with the first 
newes of the successe of this my Voyage, 
unto the Court of the Great King of 
Mogor and Cambaia. At my arrivall in Lahora the 
of 1603. I dispatched a Poste for the Kings 

Court with my Letters to his Majestic, that I might have 
his free leave to come unto him, and treat of such busi- 
nesse as I had to doe with him from my Prince. Who 
foorthwith answered my Letters, and wrote to the 
Governour of Lahore, to use mee with all honour and 
curtesie, and to send a guarde of horse and foote with me 
to accompanie me to Agra, where his Court was, beeing 
one and twentie dayes journey from Lahora ; and beeing 
neere arrived, I was very well met ; and an house with 
all things necessarie was appointed for mee by the King : 
where reposing myselfe two dayes, the third day I had 
audience, and presented his Majestic with nine and twentie 
great Horses, very faire and good, such as were hardly 



He arrive th at 
Journey from 
His present to 
the King of 


1 606. 

found better in those parts: some of them cost me fiftie 
or threescore pounds an horse, with diverse Jewels, Rings, 
and Earerings, to his great liking. And so I was dismissed 
with his great favour and content. 
[I. iii. 115.] The third day after, having made before a great man 
my friend, he called me into his Councell : and comming 
into his presence. He demanded of me, what I would have, 
and what my businesse was. I made him answere, That 
/ his greatnesse and renowmed kindnesse unto Christians 

/ was so much biased through the World, that it was come 

into the furthermost parts of the Westerne Ocean, and 
arrived in the Court of our Queene of Englands most 
Thti Voyage excellent Majestie ; who desired to have friendship with 
Q. Elizabeths ^^"^' ^^^ ^^ *^^ Portugals and other Christians had trade 
Reigne. with his Majestie, so her Subjects also might have the 

same, with the like favours ; and farther, because there 
have beene long Warres betweene her Majestie and the 
King of Portugall, that if any of their ships or Portes 
were taken by our Nation, that he would not take it in 
evill part, but suffer us to enjoy them to the use of our 
Queenes Majestie. All this the King commanded to be 
written downe by his Secretarie ; and said, that in short 
space he would give me answere. With that I withdrew 
myselfe with leave and went to my house. Within eight 
or ten dayes after hee sent me home in money to the value 
of five hundred pound sterling, the first time with very 
comfortable speeches. Shortly after, as I was informed, 
hee sent to certaine Jesuites, which lived there in great 
honour and credit, two in Agra, and two others in Lahora, 
The Jesuites and shewed them my demands : whereat the Jesuites were 
calumniationof j^ g^j^ exceeding great rage. And whereas before wee were 

our Nation. c ■ ^ °° ^u J- ^ -c • 

rriends, now we grew to be exceedmg great Enemies. 

And the King asking their opinion in this matter. They 

flatly answered him, That our Nation were all Theeves, 

and that I was a Spye sent thither for no other purpose to 

have friendship with his Majestie, but that afterward our 

men might come thither, and get some of his Ports, and so 

put his Majestie to much trouble : saying withall, that they 




had eleven yeeres served his Majestic, and were bound by 
their Bread and Salt that they had eaten to speake the truth, 
although it were against Christians. With these and many 
more such speeches, the King and his Councell were all flat 
against mee, and my demands, but made no shew thereof 
to me in any respect : but I knew it by friends, which 
I had in his Court. Afterward they caused five Com- 
mandements to bee drawne and sent them mee, withall 
things that I had written : saving, they had left out the 
taking of the ships, and the Ports of the Portugals. 
Which when I had read, I presently went to the Court, 
and made demand of the other Articles. The King 
answered, that hee would again speake with his Councell 
and make answer. In this manner rested my businesse, 
and every day I went to the Court, and in every eighteene 
or twentie dayes I put up Ars or Petitions : and still he 
put mee off with good words, and promised that this day 
and tomorrow I should have them. In this manner, 
seeing myselfe delayed, and being at exceeding great 
expenses of eighteene or twentie Servants, Horsemen and 
Foot, I withdrew myselfe from going to the Court, in so 
much that in thirtie dayes I went not. At length the 
King remembring me, sent to call for me : At my com- 
ming he asked the cause why I came not, as I was wont : I 
answered, that I had come into his Countrey only upon 
the great renowme of his Excellencie, and had wasted five ^'^' y^"'" 
yeares in travaile, and could not obtaine so much as a 'P^"'""''''^'^ • 
Commandement at his hands, which was wholly for his 
profit, and nothing for his losse : adding, that if I had 
asked some greater reward of him, hee would much more 
have denyed me. With that he presently called for ^'i^^ g''rm^nts 
Garments for me of the Christian fashion very rich and tlTZand'^ 
good, and willed me not to be sad, because every thing Mogor upon 
that I would have should be accomplished to mine owne Master John 
content. So with these sweet words I passed sixe ^iUenhd. 
monethes more : and then seeing nothing accomplished 
I was exceeding wearie of my lingring, and could do 
nothing; and the rather for that I was out of money. 



The sundry 
practices of the 

An Armenian 
served him 
foure yeares 
for Inter- 

He studied 
sixe monethes 
the Persian 
tongue in 

Many yeares 




I should have declared before how the Jesuites day and 
night sought how to work my displeasure. First, they had 
given to the two chiefest Counsellors that the King had, 
at the least five hundred pounds sterling a piece, that they 
should not in any wise consent to these demands of mine : 
so that, when I came to present them, they would not 
accept of anything at my hands, although I offered them 
very largely : and where I had any friendship, they would 
by all meanes seeke to disgrace me. But God ever kept 
me in good reputation with all men. 

Moreover, whereas I had hired in Aleppo an Armenian 
named Seffur, to whom I gave twentie Duckets the 
moneth, which served me very well for mine Interpreter 
foure yeares ; now comming neere to the point of my 
special! businesse, the Jesuites had soon wrought with him 
also in such sort, that he quarrelled with me and went his 
way : whereby I was destitute of a Drugman, and my selfe 
could speake little or nothing. Now in what case I was 
in these remote Countries without Friends, Money, and 
an Interpreter, wisemen may judge. Yet afterward I got a 
Schoolemaster, and in my house day and night I so studied 
the Persian Tongue, that in sixe monethes space I could 
speake it something reasonably. Then I went in great 
discontentment to the King, and gave him to understand 
how the Jesuites had dealt with me in all points, and 
desired his Majesties Licence to depart for mine owne 
Countrey, where I might have redresse for mine injuries 
received ; and withall told him, how small it would stand 
with so great a Princes honour, as his Majestic had report 
to be, to delay me so many yeares only upon the reports 
of two Jesuites, who, I would prove were not his friends, 
nor cared not for his profit, nor honour ; and desired a 
day of hearing, that now I my selfe might make plaine 
unto his Majestie (which for want of a Drugman before 
I could not doe,) the great abuses of these Jesuites in this 
his Court : beseeching you againe to grant mee licence to 
depart, and that I might not bee kept any longer with 
delayes. At these words, the King was mooved against 





the Jesuites ; and promised that upon the Sunday follow- 
ing, I should bee heard, and that the Jesuites should be 
present. This speech I had with the King upon the 
Wednesday. Comming before the place of Councell the 
Sunday following, there were met all the great States of 
the Court to heare the controversie betweene us. 

At the first the King called me, and demanded what 
injuries I had received of the Jesuites : I answered. That 
they had abused my Prince and Countrey, most falsely, 
calling us all Theeves ; and if they had beene of another 
sort and calling, I would have made them eate their words, 
or I would have lost my life in the quarreU. Secondly m 
saying. That under colour of marchandise wee would 
invade your Countrey, and take some of your Forts, and 
put your Majestic to great trouble. Now that your 
Majestie may understand, the untruth of these mens false 
suggestions ; know you all, that her Majestie hath her 
Ambassadour Leiger in Constantinople, and everie three The Queenes 
yeeres most commonly doth send a new, and call home j'". """ °!^' 
the old, and at the first commmg or every Ambassadoor itantmotk. 
shee sendeth not them emptie, but with a great and 
princely present : according whereunto her Highnesse 
intent is to deale with your Majestie. This profit of 
rich presents and honour, like to redound to your Majestie 
by having league of amitie, and entercourse with Christian 
Princes, and to have their Ambassadours Leigers in your 
Court, these men by their craftie practices would deprive 
you of. And our Ambassadours being resident, as 
pledges in your Court, what dare any of our Nation doe 
against your Highnesse, or any of your subjects. Upon 
these and other such like speeches of mine. The King 
turned to his Nobles and said. That all that I said was 
reason ; and so that all answered. After this I demanded 
of the Jesuites before the King ; In these twelve yeeres 
space that you have served the King, how many Ambassa- 
dours, and how many presents have you procured to the 
benefit of his Majestie : With that the Kings eldest sonne 
stood out, and said unto them, naming them. That it was 



The great 
large privi- 
ledges to 
Master John 

He departeth 
from Agi-a. 
John Milden- 
hall returned 
homeward by 
The Italians 
are our enemies 
for seeking 
trade in those 


most true, that in a eleven or twelve yeares, not one 
came either upon Ambassage, or upon any other profit 
unto his Majestic. Hereupon the King was very merrie, 
and laughed at the Jesuites, not having one word to 
answer. Then I said, If it please your Majestie, I will 
not onely procure an Ambassadour, but also a present at 
my safe returne againe into your Countrie. Divers other 
demands and questions were at that time propounded by 
the King and his Nobles unto me : and I answered them 
all in such sort, as the King called his Vice-Roy, (which 
before was by the Jesuites bribes made my great enemy) 
and commanding him, that whatsoever priviledges or com- 
mandements I would have, hee should presently write 
them, seale them, and give them me without any more 
delay or question. And so within thirtie days after I had 
them signed to my owne contentment, and, as I hope, to 
the profit of my Nation. Afterwards I went and presented 
them unto the Prince his eldest sonne, and demanded of 
him the like commandements : which he most willingly 
granted, and shortly after were delivered unto me. And 
so departing from the Court, I brought them with me into 
Persia : which are here in Casbin with my selfe, readie to 
doe you any service : and I would have come my selfe 
when I wrote this Letter, save that there were two Italian 
Marchants in Agra, that knew of all my proceedings: 
whom I doubted, as I had good cause, least they would 
doe mee some harme in Bagdet, or some other places; 
they alwayes being enemies to our Nation, that they 
should find any new trade this way, as to you it is well 
knowne : And within foure moneths I meane to depart 
by the way of Moscovia ; where arriving I will not raile 
but satisfie you at large of all matters. 

Your Worships to command, 

John Mildenhall. 




The Voyage of Captaine John Davis, to the 
Easterne India, Pilot in a Dutch Ship ; Written 
by himselfe. 

To the 

Right Honourable, my exceeding 

good Lord and Master, Robert Earle of Essex, &c. 

Ight honourable, and mine exceeding good Lord, 
my dutie must advise mee, to present this Journall 
of mine East Indian Voyage, to your Lordships 
most judiciall view. Wherein I have used my best 
diligence to discharge my duty, as neere as my slender 
capacitie could effect the same, according to those direc- 
tions which your Lordship gave mee in charge at my 
departure ; when it pleased you to imploy mee in this 
Voyage, for the discovering of these Easterne parts of 
the world, to the service of her Majestie, & the good 
of our Countrey. What I have seene, I doe signifie in [I. iii. 117.] 
this Journall to your Lordship : and that which I have 
learned by the report of other Nations (when it shall 
please God to make me happie by your Lordships 
favourable presence) I will make farther knowne to your 
Lordship, aswell or the King of Portugall his places of 
Trade and strength, as of the enterchangeable trading of 
those Easterne Nations among themselves : beginning at 
Cefala, which is his first footing beyond the Cape of Buena 
Esperanza, and so proceeding to Mosambique, Ormus, 
Diu, Goa, Coulam, Onor, Mangalor, Cochin, Columbo, 
Negapatan, Porto Grande in Bengala, and Malacca : As 
also to the Citie of Macao, in the Province of Canton 
in the famous Kingdome of China : and to the Hands of 
the Moluccos, and Amboyno. Which places are all in the 
Portugals possession serving for his securitie and refuge. 
Moreover he hath trade in Monomotapa, Melinde, Aden, 
Arabia, Cambaia, on the Coast of Coromandel, Balaguate, 
II 305 u 


* Constantin- 
ople is called 
New Rome, 
and thence in 
the East, the 
Turkes are 
of that their 
chiefe Citie. 


and Orixa. Of all which Nations there bee some dwelling 
in Achen in the He of Sumatra, trading in marchandize, 
where I have met with Arabians, and a Nation called 
Rumos, who have traded many hundred yeares to Achen. 
These Rumos* come from the Red Sea. There are in 
Achen many Chineses that use trade, of whom I have beene 
kindly used, and can well informe your Lordship of that 
worthy Kingdome of China. The trades of Gusarate are 
very ample. All which the Portugals with the locke of 
discretion have providently long concealed, which now 
through Gods favour are made knowne unto us. I have 
here inclosed sent your Lordship the Alphabet of the 
Achens Language, with some words of the same ; which 
they write after the manner of the Hebrewes. I have 
also sent by Master Tomkins of their Coine, which is in 
usuall payment. That of Gold is named a Mas, and is 
nine pence halfe penie neerest. Those of Lead are called 
Caxas : whereof a thousand sixe hundred make one Mas. 
Good my Lord, remember the poore Widowes Mite. For 
surely, if I could doe more in this service, or otherwise, 
it should not be omitted. From Middleborough this first 
of August, 1600. 

Your Lordships most dutifuU Servant, 

John Davis. 

A briefe Relation of Master John Davis, chiefe 
Pilot to the Zelanders in their East-India 
Voyage, departing Middleborough the fif- 
teenth of March, Anno 1598. 

THe fifteenth hereof we departed from Flushing with 
two ships in Consort, the Lion, and Lionesse : the 
Lion being foure hundred tuns, had in her a hundred three 
and twentie persons : the Lionesse two hundred and fiftie 
tuns, had a hundred persons. Mushrom, Clarke, and 
Monef of Middleborough Owners and only Adventurers 
thereof. Cornelius Howteman chiefe Commander of 
both ships, having a Commission from Grave Maurice, 



by the name Generall. The two and twentieth we 
anchored in Tor Bay with bad winds. 

The seventh we set saile, the twentieth we had sight of 
Porto Santo, the three and twentieth we fell with Palma : 
the last hereof we came with the Islands of Cape Verde. 

The first we anchored at Saint Nicholas, one of the said 
Hands in latitude sixteene degrees, sixteene minutes. 
Here wee watered the seventh, wee departed the ninth, 
wee fell with Saint lago. 

The ninth we fell with the Coast of Brasill, in seven 
degrees of South latitude, not being able to double Cape 
Saint Augustine : for being about the Line we had very 
unconstant weather, and bad windes, being in this 
desperate case we shaped our course for a small He named 
Fernando Loronha, in foure degrees of South latitude, the 
fifteenth we anchored upon the North-side thereof in 
eighteene fathomes. We found in this Hand twelve 
Negroes, eight men, foure women. It is a very fruitfull 
Isle, and hath exceeding good water, it aboundeth with 
Goates, it hath also Beefes, Hogs, Hens, Mellons, and 
Ginnie Corne : with plentie of fish and Sea-birds. These 
Negroes were placed here by the Portugals to manure the 
He. Three yeeres past in which there hath no ships beene 
with them. 

The six and twentieth we departed from this He, the 
wind at East North-East, the last hereof we doubled Cape 
Saint Augustine. 

The tenth we passed the AbroUos, which was the 
greatest of our feare (the sholds lye from the Coast of 
Brasill, farre off into the Sea, in one and twentie degrees 
and are dangerous. Whereupon our Baase, (for so a 
Dutch Captaine is called) chose a Master of Mis-rule by 
the name Kesar. Now the authoritie of Riot lay in this 
disordered Officer, who after Dinner could neither salute 
his friends, nor understand the Lawes of Reason. And 
those that ought to have beene most respective, were both 
lawlesse and witlesse. In this dissolute manner we wasted 
three dayes, which being ended, and having againe 










recovered our former discretion, wee shaped our course 

iii. 118.] for Cape Bona Esperanza, sayling towards the Court of 
Bacchus, unto whom this Idolatrous Sacrifice was made, as 
by the end appeareth. 

The eleventh we anchored in the Bay of Saldania, in 
thirtie foure degrees of the South Pole, ten leagues short 
of Cape Bona Esperanza, where there are three fresh 
Rivers. The people came to us with Oxen and Sheep in 
great plentie, which they sold for pieces of old Iron, and 
spike Nailes. The best of that we bought, cost not more 
then the value of one penie in old Iron. Their Cattell 
are large, and under severall markes, having upon the 
backe by the fore shoulders a great lumpe of flesh like a 
Camels backe. Their Sheepe have exceeding great tailes 
only of fat, weighing twelve or fourteene pounds : they 
have no wooU but a long shag haire. The people are not 
circumcised, their colour is Olive blacke, blacker then the 
Brasilians, their haire curled and blacke as the Negroes of 
Angola, their words are for the most part in-articulate, and 
in speaking they clocke with the Tongue like a brood Hen, 
which clocking and the word are both pronounced together, 
verie strangely. 

They goe all naked, having only a short Cloke of 
Skinnes and Sandals tyed to their feet, they paint their 
faces with divers colours, they are a strong active people, 
and runne exceedingly, and are subject to the King of 
Monomotapa, who is reported to be a mightie King, their 
weapons are only hard Darts. The Flemmings offering 
them some rude wrong, they absented themselves three 
dayes, in which time they made great fires upon the 
Mountaines in the Countrey. The nineteenth hereof 
there came great troups of them to us, bringing very much 
cattell with them, and in the time of bartering suddenly, 
taking their advantage they set upon us, and slue thirteene 
of our people with hand Darts, which at foure Pikes length 
could not offend. Notwithstanding the Flemmings fled 
before them like Mice before Cats, throwing away their 
weapons most basely. And our Baase, to save himselfe, 




stayed aboord, and sent us Corslets, Two-hand-swords, 
Pikes, Muskets, and Targets, so we were armed and laden 
with weapons, but there was neither courage nor discretion. 
For we stayed by our Tents being belegred with Canibals 
and Cowes, we were in Muster, Giants, with great armed 
bodies, but in action Babes, with Wrens hearts. Here- 
upon Master Tomkins and my selfe undertooke to order M. Tomkins 
these Fellowes, from that excellent methode, which we ^^gl*'^""'"- 
had seene in your Lordships most honourable Actions. 
Some consented to us, but the most part unwilling, and 
divers ranne to the Pottage Pot, for they swore it was 
dinner time. This night we went all aboord, only leaving 
our great Mastive Dogge behind us, who by no meanes 
would come to us. For I thinke he was ashamed of our 

This land is a good soile, and an wholsome Aire, full 
of good herbes, as Mints, Calamint, Plantine, Ribwort, 
Trifolium, Scabious, and such like. The seven and 
twentieth wee set sayle, the last hereof we doubled Cape 
Bona Esperanza. 

The sixt we doubled Cape das Agulios which is the December. 
most Southerly Promontorie of Africa, where the Com- 
passe hath no variation. This Cape lyeth in thirtie five 
degrees of the South Pole. 

I f qq. Januaty. 

^^^ 1599. 

THe sixt we fell with the He Madagascar, short of Madagascar. 
Cape Romano : we spent this moneth to double that Ff^''"''^- 
Cape, not being able wee bore roome with the Bay Saint Bay of Saint 
Augustine, which lyeth upon the South West part of ■^'^S"'"^'- 
Madagascar in three and twentie degrees fiftie minutes. 

The third wee anchored in the same Bay, where wee 
saw many people upon the shore, but when we landed 
they fled from us : for the other Voyage our Baase was in 
this Bay, where hee greatly abused the people, and tooke 
one of them, bound him to a Post, and shot him to death, 
with other shamefull disorders. After seven dayes by 
much meanes that we made, some of them came to us, 






lies Comoro 

and brought us Milke and one Cow which wee bought, 
and after would no more abide us. They are a strong, 
well-shaped people, and cole blacke, their Language sweete 
and pleasing : their weapons halfe-Pikes, headed with Iron 
as a Harpon, which they keepe very bright, they goe 
wholy naked. 

The Countrey seemeth to be very fruitful! and hath 
great store of Tamaryn trees : we found Beanes growing 
upon a high tree, the Cods being two foot long, with 
answerable bignesse, and are very good meate, here are 
many Camelions. It was no small miserie that wee 
English indured especially in this Bay. But God the 
ever-living Commander was our only succour. 

The eight wee came aboord Dog hungry and meatlesse, 
the fourteenth wee set saile from this place, which wee 
Hungry Bay. named Hungry Bay, shaping our course upon the North 
side of the lie. The nine and twentieth we came with 
the Hands Comoro, lying betweene twelve and thirteene 
degrees, and are five Hands, Mayotta, Ausuame, Maglia- 
glie, Saint Christophero, Spirito Sancto. The thirtieth 
we anchored at Mayotta close by a Towne, where we found 
many people that seemed to rejoyce at our comming, they 
came aboord our shippes with presents of Victualls. The 
King sent to have our Chiefe come ashore, promising him 
kindnesse. So our Baase went, the King met him with 
many people, having three Drummes beating before him. 
He was richly apparelled so were his followers, with long 
silke Garments imbrodred, after the Turkish manner. 
The King having used us with such kindnesse as we 
required, wrote a Letter in our behalfe to the Queene of 
Ausuame, for there is no King. 

The seventeenth we departed : the nineteenth we 
anchored at Ausuame, before a City named Demos : which 
hath beene a strong place, as by the ruines appeare. Their 
houses are built with free hewed stone and lime, the walls 
of the Citie are most ruinated, that which remaineth is as 
bigge as Plimmoth. This Queene used us exceeding 
friendly ; but she would not be seene. In these Islands 


[I. iii. 1 19.] 




we had Rice, Oxen, Goats, Cocos, Bonanas, Oranges, 
Limons, and Citrons. The Inhabitants are Negroes, but 
smooth haired, in Religion Mahometists, their weapons 
are Swords, Targets, Bowes and Arrowes. These Islands 
are pleasing in sight, and fruitflill in nature. Here we 
found Merchants of Arabia and India, but what Com- 
modities the Islands yeeld, I could not learne. They 
desire Weapons and Yron ; they greatly regard Paper. 
The eight and twentieth, wee departed, passing through 
the Islands Mascarenhas, by the sholds do Almirante. 

The three and twentieth, we fell with the Islands of Ma-j. 
Maldivia, which are very low close by the water, wholly MaUivia. 
covered with Cocos trees, so that we saw the trees but not 
the shore. Here we anchored, and refreshed our selves : 
Many of the Countrey Boats passing by us, but none 
would come to us : whereupon our Baase sent out the 
ships boats to take one of them. The foure and twentieth, . 
they brought a Boat aboord us covered with Mats, like a 
close Barge. In this Boat was a Gentleman and his Wife, 
he was apparelled in very fine white Linnen, after the 
Turkish manner. In his rings were rich stones, his 
behaviour was so sweete and affable, his countenance so 
modest, and his speech so gracefuU, as that it made 
apparant shewe he could not be lesse then a Noble-man. 
He was unwilling to have his Wife seene : notwithstanding 
our Baase went with him into his Boat, to see her : he 
also opened her Casket, wherein were some Jewels and 
Ambergreese. He reported that she sate with mournefuU 
modestie, not using one word : what was taken from them 
I knowe not ; but in departing this Gentleman shewed a 
Princely spirit. His colour was blacke, with smooth haire, 
a man of middle stature. In these Islands there is great 
trade by reason of the Cocos : for they make Ropes, 
Cables, Sayles, Wine, Oyle, and a kind of bread of that 
tree, and his fruit. They report that there be iiooo. 
of these Islands. The seven and twentieth wee set sayle : 
this morning there came an old man aboord us that spake 
a little Portugal!, he was our Pilot through the Chanell, 




for by chance we fell with the true passible Chanell named 
Maldivia, in latitude foure degrees, fifteene minutes of the 
North-pole, where the Compasse is varied seventeene 
degrees Westerly. In missing this Chanel it is a danger- 
ous place. The trade of shipping through this Chanell 
is very great of divers Nations, from most places of India, 
as I hope in your Lordships presence at large to enforme 
your Honour. 
June. The third we fell with the Coast of India, in eight 
degrees and forty minutes of Northerly latitude, neere 
about Cochin, and coasting this shore, we shaped our 
course East for Camorin, and from thence to the Island 
Sumatra. The thirteenth, we saw the coast of Sumatra, in 
five degrees forty minutes of Northerly latitude. The 
sixeteenth, we spake with the people, staying at an Island 
^ by the shore to take in water. The one and twentieth we 
'Tjchiti, \ anchored in the Bay of Achin, in twelve fathome. Being 

/ here, the King sent his Officers to measure the length 

and breadth of our ships, to take the number of our Men 
and Ordnance, which they did. With those Officers, our 
Baase sent two of his people with Presents to the King, 
a Looking-glasse, a Drinking-glasse, and a Bracelet of 
/ Corall. The one and twentieth, our men came aboord, 
'' whome the King had apparelled after his Countrey manner, 
in white Calicut cloth : they brought newes of Peace, 
Welcome, and plenty of Spicery. We found foure Barks 
riding in the Bay, three of Arabia, and one of Pegu, that 
came to lade Pepper. Here was also a Portugall, named 
Don Alfonso Vincent, that came with foure Barkes from 
Malacca, to prevent our trade, as the sequell doth shew. 
The three and twentieth at mid-night, the King sent for 
our Baase, and sent a Noble man for his Hostage : hee 
went presently on shore, whom the King used very kindly, 
promising him free trade. He apparelled him after the 
Country manner, and gave him a Cryse of Honour : This 
Cryse is a kind of Dagger, whose haft and handle (for it 
hath no crosse nor hilt) is made of a kind of mettall, which 
the King esteemeth farre beyond Gold, and is set with 



Rubies. This mettall hath a fine lustre : it is death to 
weare this Cryse, but from the Kings gift : and having it, 
there is absolute freedome to take Victualls without money, 
and to command the rest as slaves. The sixe and twen- 
tieth, our Baase came aboord with a Boat-load of Pepper ; 
reporting words above credit, how the King had used 
him, of his mightie fortune, and of the wonderfuU trade 
that he had procured, with no smal Gaudeamus in superbia 
nostra : he further said, that the King did often demand 
of him, if he were not of England, which he did strongly 
denie, using some unfit speeches of * our Nation. Further, * Englishmen 

said he, beeine aboord, I wish I had given a thousand "/"'f^h 

, , °, , ' ,. , o , Hollanders. 

pound that we had no English among us : thus we, poore 

soules, were thrust into the Corner. The seven and 
twentieth, our Merchants went on shore with their Mer- 
chandize, having an house by the Kings appointment. 

The twentieth, our Baase beeing with the King was July. 
exceeding well entertained, the King very importunate 
to know if he were English : Tell me truely, (said the 
King) for I love souldiers ; and I must further tell you, 
Alfonso hath been earnest with me to betray you, but it 
shall not be ; for I am your friend : and therewith gave 
him a Purse of Gold. He giving thankes, answered that 
he was not of England, but of Flanders, and at the Kings 
service. I have heard of * England, said the King, but * England 
not of Flanders : what Land is that .? He further enquired f'^"""*'- 
of their King, State, and Government ; whereof our Baase [I- i"- izo.] 
made large report, refusing the Authoritie of a King, relat- 
ing the government of Aristocratie. He further made 
sute to the King, to give commandement that his subjects i, 

should not call him English : for it was a bitternes unto 
him: which the King granted. Againe, he required to 
know if there were no Englishmen in the ships : he 
answered, there be some English* in the ships, but they *Dwerse 
have been bred up in Flanders. I understand, said the J^^^f'"/"/'" 
King, that there be some that differ both in apparell, 
language, and fashion : what are those .'' he answered, 
English ; of which my cheife Pilot is one. Well, said 




* Davis his 
ment with the 


the King, I must see those men. As touching your 
Merchandize it shall be thus : I have warres with the King 
of Jor (this Kingdome of Jor is the South-point of 
Malacca) you shall serve me against him with your ships : 
your recompence shall be your lading of Pepper ; this 
was agreed. The twenty eighth, our Baase came aboord, 
accompanied with one of the Sabandars, the Secretary, 
Merchants of Mecka, Turks, Arabians, and Don Alfonso, 
with some Portugalls ; all which departed passing drunke. 
The King began to shew an altered countenance the 
twentieth hereof, saying to our Baase, Wherefore doth not 
that English Pilot come to me t (for he would not suffer 
me nor M. Tomkins to goe on shore) I thinke when you 
have your Pepper, you will runne away without doing 
me service, as you have promised : whereupon I was pre- 
sently sent for. The one and twentieth, I came on shore. 
The two and twentieth, I went to the King early in the 
morning, who did use me very friendly. I stayed with 
him foure houres or better, banqueting and drinking. 
After an houre, he caused the Sabandar to stand up,* and 
bad me likewise stand up. The Sabandar tooke off my 
Hat, and put a Roll of white linnen about my head : then 
he put about my middle a white linnen cloth that came 
twice about me, hanging downe halfe my legge, im- 
broydered with Gold : then againe he tooke the Roll 
from my Head, laying it before the King, and put on a 
white garment upon me, and upon that againe one of red. 
Then putting on the Roll upon my Head, I sate downe 
in the Kings presence, who dranke to me in Aquavitse 
and made me eate of many strange meates. All his service 
is in Gold, and some in fine Porcellane. Hee eateth upon 
the ground, without Table, Napkins, and other linnen. 
Hee enquired much of England, of the Queene, of her 
Basha's, and how she could hold warres with so great a 
King as the Spaniards.? (for he thinketh that Europe is 
all Spanish.) In these his demands he was fully satisfied, 
as it seemed to his great good liking. 

The three and twentieth, the Prince sent for me ; I rid 




to his Court upon an Elephant : heie used me exceeding 
well. Excessive eating and drinking was our entertain- 
ment. During the small time of my beeing on shore, I 
met with a very sensible Merchant of China, that spake 
Spanish, of whom I learned some things, which I hope will 
give your Lordship good contentment. Here are many 
of China that use trade, and have their particular Towne : 
so have the Portugals, the Gusarates, the Arabians, and 
those of Bengala and Pegu. Our Baase disliking that I 
so much frequented the Chinaes company, commanded me 
aboord. The next day having some sowre lookes of the 
King, he came aboord with a dull spirit. 

The first hereof, the King made shew that we should September. 
receive in Ordnance for the battery of Jor, and take in 
souldiers to depart for that service. There were many 
Gallies manned, and brought out of the River, riding 
halfe a mile from our ships ; the Sea full of Prawes and 
Boats all manned : there came aboord us the Secretary, 
named Corcoun, & the cheife Sabandar named Abdala, 
with many souldiers weaponed with Courtelasses, Hand- 
darts, Cryses and Targets. They brought with them 
many kinds of meat, & a great Jar of Aquavitse : herewith 
they made shew of friendship with banqueting. We 
mistrusting some treachery, filled our tops with stones, 
made fast our gratings, and prepared our weapons : 
whereat our Baase was exceeding angry, commanding all 
to be dissolved, but we would not. There is in this 
Countrey a kind of Seed, whereof a little beeing eaten, ^ Strang seed, 
maketh a man to turne foole, all things seeming to him ""'^ ^'^'""S^ 
to be Metamorphosed ; but above a certaine rate it is 
deadly poyson : with this all the meate and drinke which 
they brought was infected. In banqueting, the Sabandar 
and Secretarie sent for me, M. Tomkins keeping me com- 
pany, and used some words to one of his company, but 
what I knowe not ; in short time we were foole-frolicke, 
gaping one upon an other like Antiques, our Baase beeing 
prisoner, and knewe it not. Suddenly when a token was 
given from the other Ship (for there the like treachery 




was used by the Secretary, who went from our ship thither 
to act the same) they set upon us, murthered our Baase, 
and slew divers others, M. Tomkins, my selfe, and a 
French-man, defended the Poope, which if they had 
recovered, our ship had been lost : for they had the Cabin, 
and some were below among the Ordnance, by creeping 
in at the Ports. The Master of our ship which they call 
Captaine, leapt into the Sea, so did divers others; but 
recovered the ship againe, and came aboord when all was 
done. In the end we put them to flight, (for our tops 
plagued them sore) which when I saw, I leapt from the 
Poope to pursue them. M. Tomkins leaping after me, 
there came a Turke out of the Cabin, and wounded him 
grievously, they lay together tombling each for his life: 
which seeing, I ranne the Turke in with my Rapier ; and 
our shipper presently with a halfe Pike thrust him downe 
the throat into the body. In the other ship all the 
cheifest were murdered, and the shippe taken ; we cut 
our Cables, and drave to her, and with our shot made 
the Indians flie : so we recovered the ship : the Gallies 
[I. iii. 121.] durst not come neere us. In this great miserie it was some 
pleasure, to see how the base Indians did flye, how they 
were killed, and how well they were drowned. The Sea 
was covered with Indian heads : for they swamme away 
by hundreds, The Sabandare Abdala, and one of the Kings 
neere Kinsmen were slaine, with many others ; and the 
Secretarie hurt. The King being by the Sea-side with 
many people, when the newes came of the Sabandars 
death and their great overthrow, the furious Infidels 
murdred all our men a shore, only eight excepted, whom 
the King fettered for Slaves. We lost in this misfortune 
threescore and eight persons, of which we are not certaine 
how many are captived : only of eight wee have know- 
ledge. Wee lost two fine Pinnasses of twentie tunnes 
a piece, and our ship Boate. 

This day we departed and anchored before the Citie 
Pider, where we had sent a Pinnasse for Rice, hoping to 
have newes of her, but had not. The second there came 




eleven Gallies with Portugals (as we thought) to take our 
ships. Wee sunke one and beat the rest : so they fledde. 
This after-noone came aboord us the sonne of Lafort a 
French Marchant dwelling in Seething-Lane, who was 
one of the eight Prisoners, with this Message from the 
King. Shame you not to be such drunken beasts, as in 
drunkennesse to murder my people, whom I sent to you 
in kindnesse. Therefore he required our best ship for 
satisfaction, and for the reliefe of our men. Doe this said 
he to Lafort, and I will make you a great Nobleman, but 
wee would not, and being distressed of water, departed 
to the Hands Pulo Botum upon the Coast of Quedia in 
six degrees fifty minutes, where we refreshed and watered. 

During the time of our abode in Achien, we received 
into both our ships a hundred and fortie tuns of Pepper, 
what stones or other Marchandize I know not. But at the 
day of Treason our Marchants lost all the Money and 
Marchandize a shore, which they report to bee of great 
value, and many young Adventurers were utterly ruin- 
ated : among which I doe most grieve at the losse of 
poore John Davis, who did not only lose my friendly 
Factor, but also all my Europe Commodities, with those 
things which I had provided to shew my dutie and love 
to my best Friends. 

So I may conclude, that although India did not receive 
mee very rich, yet she hath sent mee away reasonable 

The He Sumatra is a pleasing and fertile Soyle, abounding 
with many rare and excellent Fruites, of Graine they have 
only Rice which is their Bread. They plowe the ground 
with Buffs, of which there are great plentie, but with small 
skill and lesse diligence. The Rice groweth in all respects Rue. 
as our Barley. 

Of Pepper they have exceeding plentie, Gardens of a Pepper. 
mile square, it groweth like Hops from a planted Root, 
and windeth about a stake set by it untill it grow to a 
great bushie Tree. The Pepper hangeth in small clusters, 
three inches long, and an inch about, each cluster having 




fortie Pepper Cornes, it yeeldeth increase equall with 
Mustard Seed. They bee able to lade twentie ships 
yearly ; and more might, if the people were industrious 
and laboursome. The whole Countrey seemeth to be a 
Garden of pleasure. The Ayre is temperate and whol- 
some, having everie morning a fruitfull dew, or small 
raine. The Haven that goeth to the Citie of Achien is 
small, having but six foot at the barre. And there 
standeth a Fort made of stone, round without covering, 
battlements, or flankers, low walled like a Pownd, a worse 
cannot bee conceived. Before this Fort is a very pleasant 
Road for ships, the wind still comming from the shore, a 
shippe may ride a mile off in eighteene fathomes, close 
by in foure and sixe fathomes. Of Beasts, heere are 
Elephants, Horses, Buffes, Oxen and Goates, with many 
wild Hogs. 

The Land hath plentie of Gold and Copper Mines, 
divers kinds of Gummes, Balmes, and many kinds of 
Drugges, and much Indico. Of stones there are Rubies, 
Saphires, and Garnets : but I know not that they grow 
there. They have passing good Timber for shipping. 

The Citie of Achien, if it may be so called, is very 

spacious, built in a Wood, so that wee could not see a 

house till we were upon it. Neither could wee goe into 

any place, but wee found houses, and great concourse of 

people : so that I thinke the Towne spreadeth over the 

whole land. Their houses are built eight foote or better 

from the ground upon posts of wood, with free passage 

under, the wals and covering of Mats, the poorest and 

weakest things in the World. I saw three great Market 

places, which are every day frequented as Faires with all 

i kindes of Marchandize to sell. 

SultanJladin. The King is called Sultan Aladin, and is an hundred 

1 yeares old, as they say, yet hee is a lustie man, but exceed- 

I ing grosse and fat. In the beginning of his life he was 

a fisher-man : (of which this place hath very many ; for 

they live most upon fish : ) and going to the Warres with 

the former King shewed himselfe so valiant and discreet 


Mines of Gold 
and other 

Achien Citie. 


in ordering the Kings Gallies, that gaining the Kings 
favour, he was made Admirall of his Sea-forces and by 
his valour and discretion the King so imbraced him that he 
gave him to Wife one of his neerest Kinswomen. The 
King having one only Daughter, married her to the King 
of Jor, by whom shee had a sonne : this Childe was sent to 
Achien to bee nourished under his Grand-father, being 
Heire to the Kingdome : The King that now is, was now [I- iii- 12 
chiefe Commander both by Land and Sea. The olde 
King suddenly dyed, this King tooke the protection of 
the Childe, against which the Nobilitie resisted, but he 
having the Kings force and taking oportunitie, ended the 
lives of more then a thousand Noblemen and Gentlemen : 
and of the rascall people made new Lords and new Lawes. 
In fine, the Childe was murthered, and then he proclaymed 
himselfe King by the right of his Wife. Hereupon arose 
great Warre betweene him and the King of Jor, which 
continueth to this day. These twentie yeares he hath by 
force held the Kingdome, and now seemeth to bee secure 
in the same. 

His Court is from the Citie halfe a mile upon the River, 
having three Guards before any can come to him, and a 
great Greene betweene each Guard, his house is built as 
the rest are, but much higher, hee sitteth where hee can 
see all that come to any of his Guards, but none can see 
him. The wals and covering of his house are Mats, 
which sometime is hanged with cloth of Gold, sometime 
with Velvet, and sometime with Damaske. Hee sitteth 
upon the ground crosse-legged like a Taylor, and so must 
all those doe that be in his presence. He alwayes weareth 
foure Cresis, two before and two behind, exceeding rich 
with Diamonds and Rubies ; and hath a Sword lying upon 
his lap. He hath attending upon him fortie women at 
the least, some with Fannes to coole him, som,e with 
Clothes to dry his sweat, some give him Aqua vitae, others 
water : the rest sing pleasant Songs. He doth nothing 
all the day but eate and drinke, from morning to night 
there is no end of banquetting : and' when his belly is 




readie to breake, then hee eateth Arecca Betula, which is 
/ a fruit like a Nutmeg, wrapped in a kind of leafe like 

Tabacco, with sharpe chalke made of Pearle Oyster-shels : 
chawing this it maketh the spittle very red, draweth the 
Rhume exceedingly, and procureth a mightie stomacke; 
this maketh the teeth very blacke, and they be the bravest 
\^ that have the blackest teeth. By this meanes getting 

againe his stomacke, he goeth with a fresh courage to 
eating. And for a Change with a Cracking Gorge, hee 
goeth into the River, where he hath a place made of 
' purpose, there getting a stomacke by being in the water. 
! Hee, his great men and women doe nothing but eate, 
j drinke, and talke of Venerie. If the Poets Fables have 
\ \, I any shew of truth, then undoubtedly this King is the great 
\ Bacchus. For he holdeth all the Ceremonies of Gluttonie. 
As in all places of Europe, the Custome is by uncover- 
ing the head to shew reverence, in this place it is wholly 
contrary. For before any man can come to the Kings 
presence, he must put of his hose and shooes, and come 
before him bare-legged, and bare-footed, holding the 
palmes of the hands together, and heaving them up above 
his head, bowing with the bodie must say, Doulat : which 
done dutie is discharged. And so hee sitteth downe crosse- 
legged in the Kings presence. Hee doth onely spend the 
time in eating with women, and Cock-fighting. And such 
as is the King, such are his Subjects ; for the whole Land 
is given to no other contentment. 

His State is governed by five principall men, with their 
"'" inferiour Ofiicers, his Secretarie, and foure called Saban- 

dars, with these resteth all authoritie. The Kings will is 
their Law. For it seemeth there is no Free-man in the 
Land : for the life and goods of all is at the Kings pleasure. 
Hee will make no Offenders happie by death, but cutteth 
off their hands and feete, and banisheth them to an He 
named Polo-wey. If he put any to death, the Elephants 
teare him to pieces, or they drive a stake into his funda- 
ment, and so he dyeth. There are Gaoles and many 
fettered Prisoners that goe about the Towne. 




His women are his chiefest Counsellers, hee hath three 
Wives, and very many Concubines, which are very closely 

Hee hath very many Gallies, I thinke an hundred, some 
that will Carrie foure hundred men, made like a Wherrie, 
very long and open, without Decke, Fore-castell, Chase, 
or any upper building. Their Cares are like Shovels of 
foure foote long, which they use only with the hand, not 
resting them upon the Galley. They beare no Ordnance, 
with these hee keepeth his Neighbours in obedience. A 
woman is his Admirall, for hee will trust no men. Their 
Weapons are Bowes, Arrowes, Javelings, Swords, Targets, 
they have no defensive Armes, but fight naked. 

Hee hath great store of Brasse Ordnance, which they 
use without Carriages, shooting them as they lye upon the 
ground. They be the greatest that I have ever seene, and 
the Mettall is reported to be rich of Gold. The trust 
of his land force standeth upon his Elephants. XN^,^ 

These people boast themselves to come of Ismael and 
Hagar, and can reckon the Genealogie of the Bible per- 
fectly. In Religion they are Mahometists, and pray with 
Beades as the Papists doe. They bring up their Children 
in Learning, and have many Schooles. They have an 
Archbishop and Spirituall Dignities. Here is a Prophet 
in Achien, whom they greatly honour, they say that hee 
hath the spirit of Prophesie, as the Ancients have had. 
He is disguised from the rest in his Apparell, and greatly 
imbraced of the King. 

The people are generally very cunning Merchants, and 
wholy dedicated thereunto. Of Mechanicall Artesmen, 
they have Gold-smithes, Gun-founders, Ship-wrights, 
Taylors, Wevers, Hatters, Pot-makers, and Aquavitse [I. iii. 123.] 
Stillers, which is made of Rice (for they must drinke no 
Wine) Cutlers, and Smithes. 

As touching their Burials, every Generation or Kinred 

have their particular place to burie their dead ; which is 

in the Fields. They lay the Corps with the head towards 

Mecha, having a free Stone at the head, and another at 

n 321 X 




the feete curiously wrought, thereby signifying the worthi- 
nesse of the person. 

But in the place of the Kings Burials every grave hath 
a piece of Gold at the head, and another at the Toot, 
weighing at the least five hundred pound weight, cunningly 
imbossed and wrought. This King hath two such Peeces 
in making and almost finished, which wee saw, that are a 
thousand pound weight a piece, and shall bee richly set 
with stones. I did greatly desire to see the Kings Burialls, 
because of the great wealth therein ; but could not. I 
doe almost beleeve it to be true, because this King hath 
made two such costly monuments. 

The people that trade in this place are of China, Bengala, 
Pegu, Java, Coromandel, Gusarate, Arabia, and Rumos. 
Rumos is in the Red Sea, and is the place from whence 
Salomon sent his ships to Ophir for Gold, which is now 
called Achien, as by tradition they doe affirme. And the 
The Turkes Rumos people from Salomons time to this day have 

plif, L fh. followed the same trade. 

Rumos m the _,, , . ,-i i n /r 

Indies. The, Ihey have divers termes or payment, as Cashes, Mas, 

reason of that Cowpan, Pardaw, Tayell ; I only saw two pieces of Coine, 
name is their the one of Gold, the other of Lead, that Gold is of the 
etiopottan j^^gj^gggg gf ^ penny, it is as common as pence in England 
Citie Constat!- ^^'^ i^ named Mas, the other is like a little leaden Token : 
tinopk called such as the Vintners of London use called Caxas. A 
Nezv Rome : thousand sixe hundred Cashes make one Mas. Foure 
of which Rome ji^j^jj-g^j Cashes make a Cowpan. Foure Cowpans are 
Rumos. Their "^^^ Mas. Five Masses make foure shillings sterling. 
tradition of Foure Masses makes a Perdaw. Foure Perdawes makes 
Ophir is a Tayel, so a Mas is nine pence f . of a Pennie. 

rather to be They sell their Pepper by the Bhar, which is three 

IhisEt-imoheie hundred and threescore of our pounds, for three pound 
and conceit of foure shillings, their pound they call a Catt, which is one 
Rumos in the and twentie of our ounces. Their ounce is bigger then 
Red Sea. ovx% by so much as sixteene is bigger then ten. 

The weight by which they sell Precious Stones is called 
Masse, lo.f. whereof make an ounce. 

Once every yeare they have a custome that the King 




with all his Noblemen and whole pompe of his land must 

goe to the Church to loolce if the Messias bee come, which ! 

happened at our being here. There were many Elephants, 

I thinke fortie, very richly covered with Silke, Velvet, and 

cloth of Gold : divers Noblemen riding upon each 

Elephant, but one Elephant above the rest was exceeding Apac i/ 

richly covered, having a golden little Castle upon his ^ jj 

backe, this was led spare for the * Messias to ride in. * The pro- \\ 

The King riding alone likewise in a little Castle, so they ^I'ii "'"'^f 

, ° . , o , . ' , •', of Mahomet 

proceede with a very solemne procession ; some had expected. 

Targets of pure massie Gold, others great halfe Moones 

of Gold, with Stremers, Banners, Ensignes, Drummes, and 

Trumpets with other Musicke, very pleasing to see. 

Comming to the Church with great Solemnitie, they at 

length looked in, and not finding the Messias, used some 

Ceremonies. Then the King comming from his owne \ '. 

Elephant, roade home upon the Elephant prepared for the j "' 

Messias: where they end the day with feasting and all I • 

pleasing sports. v' 

The lie is divided into foure Kingdomes, Achien, Pider, 
Manancabo, and Aru. Achien is the chiefest, the rest 
are tributarie to him. Aru holdeth with the King of Jor, 
and refuseth subjection. I have only hard of five prin- 
cipall Cities to be in this He. Achien, Pider, Pacem, 
Daia, Manancabo. 

Returning to our proceedings after the slaughter of September. 
Achien, seeking reliefe, the tenth hereof we anchored at the 
lands Pulo Lotum, in sixe degrees fiftie minutes, by the 
Kingdome of Queda : where we watred and refreshed. 
There were in our ship three Letters close sealed, super- 
scribed A. B. C. Which upon the death of our Baase were 
to be opened. By A. one Thomas Quimans was appointed 
our Chiefe, who was slaine at Achien. Then B. was 
opened, whereby Guyan Lafort who escaped Captivitie by 
being the Kings Messenger, was appointed our Chiefe, 
whom we so received. The letter C. was not opened. 
The last hereof wee set sayle our course againe for Achien, 
with hope by some meanes to recover our men. 






The sixth we came in sight of Achien, the twelfth wee 
came into the Bay, where wee found ten Gallies set out 
against us. Wee came up with one of them, and gave her 
divers shot, but in a calme under the land she escaped. 
The rest durst not come neere us : for they are very 
Cowards, proud and base. 

The eighteene hereof wee shaped our course for the 
Citie Tanassarin, for it is a place of great trade, the five 
and twentieth we anchored among the Hands in the Bay 
in eleven degrees, twentie minutes, of the Pole Articke. 
Being here we were very much crossed with bad winds, 
so that wee could not recover the Citie, for it standeth 
twentie leagues within the Bay : being in verie great dis- 
tresse of victuals we departed hence, shaping our course 
for the Hands Nicobar, hoping there to find reliefe. 

The twelfth we anchored at the Hands Nicobar in eight 
degrees of North latitude where the people brought us 
great store of Hens, Oranges, Limons, and other Fruit, 
[I. iii. 124.J and some Ambergreece, which we bought for pieces of 
linen-cloth, and Table Napkins. These Hes are pleasant 
and fruitfuU, low land, and have good road for ships. 
The people are most base, only living upon fruites, and 
fish, not manuring the ground, and therefore have no Rice. 
The sixteenth wee departed shaping our course for the 
He Zeilon : for wee were in great distresse, especially of 

The sixt by Gods great goodnesse we tooke a ship of 
Negapatan, which is a Citie in the Coast of Coromandell, 
shee was laden with Rise bound to Achien. There were 
in her threescore persons, of Achien, of Java, of Zeilon, 
of Pegu, Narsinga, and Coromandel. By these people 
wee learned that in Zeilan there is a Citie named *Mate- 
calou, a place of great Trade, and that there wee might load 
our ships with Sinamon, Pepper and Cloves. They also 
said that in Zeilon were great store of precious stones and 
Pearles : that the Countrey doth abound with all kind of 
Victuals, and that the King is an exceeding Enemie to the 
Portugals ; they also told us of a Citie named Trin- 



*Matecalou in 
Zeilan a Citie 
of great trade. 



quanamale, where was the like Trade. So they promised 
to lade our ships, and royally to victuall us, for little 
money. Hereupon we laboured by all possible meanes to 
recover the said places, but could not, for the wind was 
exceeding contrary. Then these Indians told us that if 
we would stay untill January, we should have more then a 
hundred ships come close by that shore laden with Spicerie, 
Linnen-cloth, and China Commodities ; besides stones and 
other wealth. To stay there as a man of Warre our 
Governour would not agree : but to stay and in taking 
any thing to pay for the same he was content, for so was 
his Commission ; to this the Companie would not agree. 
Whereupon the eight and twentieth hereof we shaped our 
course homeward, having beaten sixteene dayes upon this 
Coast to recover Matecalon. We discharged our Prise ^^^^ ^ ^^ 
the eighteenth hereof, having taken the best part of her 
Rice, for which our Chiefe payed them to their content. 
But the Companie tooke away the Money and Merchan- 
dize from the Indians with much disorder : we tooke with 
us twelve of the Indians of severall places : who after 
we could a little understand them, told us that the Mar- 
chants had great store of precious stones in the ship, 
which they had hid under the Timbers. Of what truth 
that report is I know not. They would not suffer Master 
Tomkins nor me to goe aboord the Prise : for what reasons 
I know not. 


THe fift hereof our meate was poysoned, but God March 1600. 
preserved us, for one tasting the same by chance or 
greedinesse (for it was fresh fish) was presently infected : 
before the meate came to us it was strongly poysoned, for 
our Surgeon tooke almost a spoonfuU of Poyson out of 
one fish, but this is not the first time, if the grieved would 
complaine. The tenth wee fell with Cape Bona Esperanza, 
where wee had a great storme : the sixe and twentieth 
wee doubled the same. Jtrill. 

The thirteenth we anchored at the He Saint * Helena, *S. Helena. 






\l. iii. 125.] 

* This Toy age, 
though not by 
the Cape of 
Good Hope, 
yet because it 
was to Japan, 
I here deliver. 
See before, 
pag. 78. 


which is rockie and mountanous, lying in sixteene degrees 
of South latitude, here wee found good water, figs, and fish 
in plentie : there be Goats, but hard to get. The fifteenth 
at Sun-set there came a Caravell into the Road, who 
anchored a large Musket-shot to wind-ward of us. She 
was utterly unprovided, not having one Peece mounted : 
we fought with her all this night, and gave her, as I 
thinke, better then two hundred shot. In eight houres 
shee never made shot nor shew of regard, by midnight 
shee had placed sixe Peeces which she used very well, shot 
us often through, and slew two of our men. So the six- 
teenth in the morning we departed, having many sick men 
shaping our course for the He *Ascention, where we hope 
to have reliefe. This three and twentieth we had sight 
of Ascention, in eight degrees of South latitude, this He 
hath neither wood, water, nor any greene thing upon it, 
but is a fruitlesse greene Rocke of five leagues broad. 
The foure and twentieth at midnight wee agreed to goe 
for the He Fernando Loronio, where wee are acquainted 
and know that there is reliefe sufficient. For at this He 
wee stayed ten weekes outward bound, when we could not 
double Cape Saint Augustine. 

The sixt we arived at the He Fernando Loronio, where 
wee stayed sixe dayes to water and refresh our selves. 
The thirteenth we departed, shaping our course for 

The nine and twentieth of July we arrived at Middle- 

§. V. 

William Adams his Voyage by the Magellan 
Straights to *Japon, written in two Letters 
by himselfe, as followeth. 

Aving so good occasion, by hearing that certaine 
English Marchants lye in the Island of Java, 
although by name unknowne, I presumed to write 

these few lines, desiring the WorshipfuU Companie being 
unknowne to me, to pardon my boldnes. The reason that 




I write, is first, for that conscience bindeth me to love my 
Country, & my Countrymen. Your Worships therefore 
shall understand, to whom these presents shall come, that I 
am a Kentish-man, borne in a Towne called Gillingani, two 
English miles from Rochester, one mile from Chattam, 
where the Kings ships lye : and that from the age of 
twelve yeares, I was brought up in Lime-house neere 
London, being Prentise twelve yeares to one Master 
Nicholas Diggines, and have served in the place of Master 
and Pilot in her Majesties ships, and about eleven or 
twelve yeares served the WorshipfuU Company of the 
Barbarie Marchants, untill the Indian Trafficke from Hol- 
land began, in which Indian Trafficke I was desirous to 
make a little experience of the small knowledge which 
God had given me. So, in the yeare of our Lord God, 
1598. I was hired for chiefe Pilot of a Fleete of five sayle, 
which was made readie by the chiefe of the Indian Com- 
pany Peter Vanderhag, and Hance Vanderueke : the 
Generall of this Fleet, was a Marchant called Jaques 
Mayhay, in which ship, being Admirall, I was Pilot. So, 
it being the three and twentieth or foure and twentieth rf 
June before we set sayle,* it was somewhat too late ere * Adams 
we came to the Line, to passe it without contrarie winds : ''*'jA ""»' "f 
for it was about the midst of September, at which time we r^^ smles. 
found much Southerly winds, and many of our men were 
sick, so that we were forced to goe to the Coast of Gynny 
to Cape de Lopo Gonsalves, where wee set our sicke men Cape de Lopo 
a land, whereof many dyed : and of the sicknesse, few Gonsalves. 
bettered, having little or no refreshing, and the place being 
unhealthy. Therefore, to fulfill our Voyage, wee set our 
course for the Coast of Brasill, determining to passe the 
Straights of Magellan, and by the way came to an Island 
called Illha da Nobon, at which Hand we landed, and ^■^^ ^'^^ "f 
tooke the Towne, which contained about eightie houses, ^'^^"^ ^''^'"' 
in which Hand we refreshed our selves, having Oxen, 
Oranges, and divers other fruits. But the unwholsome- 
nesse of the Aire was such, that as one bettered, another 
fell sicke : we spent upon the Coast of the Cape Gonsalves, 




and of Annobon about two moneths time till the twelfth 
or thirteenth of November. At which time, wee set sayle 
from Annobon, finding the winds still at the South by 
East, and South South-East, till wee got foure degrees by 
South the Line : at which time the windes favoured us 
comming to the South-East, and East South-East, and 
East, so that we were up betweene the Hand of Annobon, 
and the Straights of Magellan, about five monethes. One 
of our five sayle spent her maine Mast, by which we were 
much hindred ; for with much travell we set a new Mast 
in the Sea. Then, the nine and twentieth of March, we 
saw the Land in the latitude of fiftie degrees, having the 
wind two or three dales contrary : so, in the end, having 
the winds good, we came into the Straights of Magellan, 
j^pril. 6, (-he sixt of Aprill, 1599. at which time, the Winter came, 
'^^9- so that there was much Snow : and our men, through cold 

on the one side, and hunger on the other, grew weake : 
wee had the wind at North-East, some five or six dayes, in 
which time wee might have passed through the Straights. 
But, for refreshing of our men, we waited, watering and 
taking in of wood, and setting up of a Pinnace of fifteene 
or sixteene tunnes in bignesse. At length, wee would 
have passed through but could not by reason of the 
Southerly winds, with wet, and also very cold, with 
abundance of Snow and Ice. Wherefore, we were forced 
They wintered to winter and stay in the Straights from the sixt of Aprill, 
inthStraights ^j^ti^ ^he foure and twentieth of September, in which 
' time the most part of our provision was spent, in so much 
Many of their ^^A. for lacke of victuals many of our men dyed through 
men dyed for jjmjgej.. Now, having passed through the Straights, and 
' comming into the South Sea, wee found many hard 
streames, being driven to the South-wards in fiftie foure 
degrees, being then very cold. At length we found reason- 
able winds and weather, with which wee followed our 
pretended Voyage towards the Coast of Peru : but in long 
travels we lost our whole Fleet, being separated the one 
from the other. Yet before the dispersing of our Fleet, 
wee had appointed, if wee lost one another with stormes 



and foule weather, that in Chili in the latitude of fortie 
sixe degrees, wee should stay one for another the space of 
thirtie dayes. In which heighth according to agreement, 
I went in sixe and fortie degrees, and stayed eight and 
twentie dayes where we refreshed our selves, finding the 
people of the Countrey good of nature : but by reason of 
the Spaniards, they would not have dealt with us at the 
first. They brought us Sheepe and Potatoes, for which 
we gave them Bels and Knives, whereof they were very 
glad : but in the end, the people went up from their 
houses into the Countrey, and came no more unto us. 
Wee stayed there eight and twentie dayes, and set 
up a Pinnasse which we had in our ship, in foure parts, 
and in the end departed and came to the mouth of Baldivia, 
yet by reason it blew much wind we entred not, but 
directed our course out of the Bay, for the Hand of Mocha, 
unto the which wee came the next day, finding none of our 
Fleet. So not finding them, wee directed our course for 
the Island of Sancta Maria, and the next day we came by 
the Cape, which is a league and an halfe from the Island, 
and seeing many people tossed about the Cape, and finding 
good ground, anchored in fifteene fathom in a faire sandie 

We went with our boats hard by the water side, to 
parlee with the people of the land, but they would not 
suffer us to come a land, shooting great store of Arrowes 
at our men. Never thelesse, having no victualls in our 
Ship, and hoping to find refreshing, wee forcibly landed 
some seven and twentie or thirtie of our men, and drove 
the wild people from the water side, having most of our 
men hurt with their Arrowes. They being on land, we 
made signes of friendship, and in the end came to parlee 
with signes and tokens of friendship, which the people 
understood. So, wee made signes, that our desire was to 
have victualls for Iron, Silver and Cloth, which we shewed 
them. Wherefore they gave our folke Wine, with Batatas 
to eate, and other fruits, and bid our men by signes and 
tokens to goe aboord, and the next day to come againe, 




They stay In 
fortie sixe 
degrees, and 
refresh them- 

The mouth of 

The Isle of 


[I. iii. 126.] 

A faire sandie 


The ninth of 



Twentie three 
men slaine. 

The Isle of 

Timothy Shot- 
ten of London, 
Pilot of the 


and then they would bring us victualls : so, being late 
our men came aboord, the most part of them being hurt 
more or lesse, and yet we were very glad that we had 
come to a parlee with them, hoping that we should get 
refreshing. The next day, being the ninth of November, 
1599. our Captaine, with all our Officers prepared to goe 
a land, having taken counsel! to goe to the water side, 
but not to land more then two or three men : for there 
were people in abundance, and were also unknowne ; our 
men therefore were willed not to trust them. This coun- 
sell being concluded, the Captain himselfe went in one of 
our Boats, with all the force that we had : and being by 
the shore side, the people of the countrie made signes that 
they should come a land ; but that did not like our 
Captaine well. In the end the people comming not neere 
unto our Boats, our Captaine, with the rest resolved to 
land, against that which was concluded in our Ship, before 
the going on land. At length three and twentie men 
landed with Muskets, and marched up towards foure or 
five houses, and when they were about a Musket-shot from 
the Boates, more then a thousand Indians who lay 
intrenched, immediately fell upon our men with such 
weapons as they had, and killed them all to our knowledge. 
So our Boats waited long to see if any of them would 
come againe ; but seeing no hope to recover them, our 
Boates returned with this sorrowfuU newes, that all our 
men that landed were slaine, which was a lamentable thing 
to heare : for we had scarce so many men left as could 
winde up our Anchor. The next day wee waited, and 
went over to the Island Sancta Maria, where we found our 
Admiral, who had arrived there foure daies before us, 
and departed to the Isle from Mucha the day before we 
came from thence, having the Generall, Master, and all 
his Officers wounded on land : and God had so plagued us, 
that all our Officers were slaine, so that the one of us 
bemoned the other. Neverthelesse being glad that we 
were come together, my good friend Timothy Shotten was 
Pilot in that Ship. Being at the Island of Sancta Maria, 




which lieth in the Latitude of thirtie seven degrees, twelve 
minutes by South the Line on the Coast of Chili, wee 
tooke counsell to take all things out of one Ship, and to 
burne the other : but the new Captaines could not agree, 
which of the Ships they should burne, and so could not 
conclude it. Having much cloth in our Ships, it was Cloth good 
agreed that wee should leave the Coast of Peru, and direct '^^''fflf'" 
our course for Japan, understanding that cloth was good 
marchandise there : and also upon that Coast of Peru, the 
Kings Ships having knowledge of our being there, sought 
for us, understanding that wee were weake by reason of 
the losse of our men, which was all too true : for one of One of their 
our Fleet, as wee understood afterward, was forced to , // 1" ■[ 
yeeld themselves into the enemies hand in Saint lago. ard at Saint 
For which reason, having refreshed our selves in the Island lago in thirtie 
Sancta Maria, more by policie then by force, we departed three degrees. 
the twentie seven of November, from the Road, or Island ^^^ ^'^^ '" , 
of Sancta Maria, with our two Ships, and for the rest of Qn^erVoort. 
our Fleete we heard no newes of them. So we tooke our They take 
course directly for Japan, and passed the Line Equinoctial! their course 
together, untill we came in twentie eight degrees to the f^ '^"^.""n 
North- ward of the Line : in which Latitude, the twentie "^"^^ /^^ "^f 
second & twentie third of February 1600. we had a SamtaMaria, 
wonderfiill storme of wind, as ever I was in, with much November ij. 
raine, in which storme wee lost sight of our greatest ship, 
whereof we were very sorry being left alone ; yet wee 
hoped in Japan to find one another. Then according to 
wind and weather, we followed our former intention for 
Japan, and in the height of thirtie degrees, sought the 
North Cape of the forenamed Island, but found it not, The North 
by reason that it lieth false in all Chartes, and Globes, and p^rt of Japan, 
Maps : for the Cape lyeth in thirtie five degrees J. which ^^''^^^" |5- 
is a great difference. In the end wee came in thirtie two ^hey were 
degrees i. and then had sight of the Land, being the fiure months, 
nineteenth of Aprill, so that betweene the Cape of Sancta ^twentie two 
Maria and Japan, we were foure moneths, and twentie '^^3"^^tw^f^ 
two dayes : at which time there were no more then sixe SanctaMaria. 
besides my selfe, that could stand upon their feet. Now and Japan. 




being in safetie, we let our Anchor fall about a league 

from a place, called Bungo. At which time many Boats 

came unto us, and we let them come aboord, being not 

able to resist them : yet the people did us no harme, we 

not understanding each other, but by signes and tokens. 

After two or three dayes space, a Jesuite came unto us 

from a place called Langasacke, to which place the Carake 

of Macao is yeerely wont to come, which with other 

Japoners, that were Christians, were our Interpreters ; 

which was ill for us, they being our mortal enemies. Never- 

Bungo. theless the King of Bungo, the place where we arrived, did 

[I. 111. 127.J yg great friendship. For he gave us an house on shore 

for our sicke men, having all refreshing that was needfuU. 

We had when we came to anchor in Bungo foure and 

Sixe of their twentie men, sicke and whole, of which number the next 

day three dyed, the rest for the most part recovered, saving 

three which lay long time sicke, and in the end also died. 

The Emperour hearing of us, sent presently five Gallies or 

This was at Frigots unto us, to bring mee to the Court, where his 

Osac" which Majestie was, which was distant from Bungo, about eightie 

is eighty English leagues. Now, when I came before him, he 

leagues from demanded of me, of what Countrey we were ; so I 

Bungo. answered him in all points : for there was nothing that he 

demanded not, both concerning warre, and peace betweene 

Countrey and Countrey ; the particulars whereof were too 

long to write. After this conference, I was commanded to 

prison being well used, with one of our Mariners, that 

came with me to serve me. 

He was called Some two dayes after, the Emperour called me againe, 

demanding the reason of our comming so farre : I 

answered, We were a People that sought all friendship 

with all Nations and to have trade of Merchandize in all 

Countries, bringing such Merchandizes as our Country 

had, and buying such Merchandizes in strange Countryes, 

as our Countrey desired ; through which our Countryes 

on both side were inriched. He asked much concerning 

the warres betweene the Spaniards and Portugals, and us, 

and the reasons : the particulars of all which I gave him to 


the second 



understand, who seemed to be very glad to heare it. 
After this, I was commanded to prison againe, but my 
lodging was bettered in an other place. So, I continued '^'^*^-^"J 
nine and thirty dayes in prison, hearing no more newes, ffngj-l^ff/ 
neither of our ship, nor Captaine, whether he were a,j^_ 
recovered of his sickenesse, nor of the rest of the com- 
pany : in which time, I looked every day to be Crossed, Crucifyingthe 
as the custome of Justice is in Japan, as hanging is in our ""^ ^/m l' 
I>and. Now in this long time of imprisonment, the factors in 
Jesuites and the Portugals gave many evidences to the Japan. 
Emperour against us, alleadging that wee were theeves T'he Jesuites 
and robbers of all Nations and if we were suffered to live, ^ "ortuga s 
it should be against the profit of his Majestie, and the 
Land : for then no Nation could come there without 
robbing : but if Justice were executed on us, it would 
terrific the rest of our Nation from comming there any 
more. And to this intent they sued to his Majestie daily 
to cut us off, making all the Friends they could to this 
purpose. But God was mercifull unto us, and would not 
suffer them to have their wills of us. At length, the 
Emperour gave them this answer, That as yet wee had The Emperors 
done no hurt or damage to him, nor to any of his Land ; 
and therefore that it was against reason and Justice to put 
us to death : and if our Countreys and theirs had warres 
one with the other, that was no cause that he should put 
us to death. The Emperour answering them in this 
manner, they were quite out of heart, that their cruell 
pretence failed : for the which, God be praised for ever and 
ever. Now in this time that I was in prison, the ship was 
commanded to bee brought so neere to the Citie where 
the Emperour was, as she might, the which was done. 
So the one and fortieth day of my> imprisonment, the ^^ ^a^ called 
Emperour called me before him againe, demanding of ^^^^/^^^ ""^ 
mee many questions more, which were too long to write. Emperour. 
In conclusion, he asked me whether I were desirous to goe 
to the ship to see my Countrey-men : I answered, that I 
would very gladly do it : so he bade me goe. Then I 
departed, and was freed from imprisonment. And this 




The ship was ^as the first newes that I had, that the ship and company 

^C°'t^''fSc'" ^^""^ '^°"^^ ^° *-^^ ^'^^^®" Wherefore, with a rejoy'cing 
heart I tooke a Boat, and went to our ship, where I found 
the Captaine and the rest, recovered of their sickenesse. 
But at our meeting aboord, we saluted one another with 
mourning and sheadding of teares : for they were informed 
that I was executed, and long since dead. Thus, God be 
praised, all we that were left alive, came together againe. 
All things were taken out of the ship, together with all 
my instruments, &c. and I had nothing left me, but my 
clothes on my backe : likewise whatsoever the rest of the 
company had, was also taken away, unknowne to the 
Emperour : which when he understood, he gave order 
that they should be restored to us againe. But being so 

Fifttethou- dispersed abroad, they could not be had : yet fiftie thousand 

sand Rials tn -n- \ • j jj^u- 

readi mone-i ^'^^^ ^^ ready money, were commanded to be given us, 

were given the Emperour himselfe seeing the delivery thereof to the 

unto them. hands of one that was made our Governour, who kept 

them in his hands to distribute them unto us as wee had 

neede, for the buying of Victualls for our men, with other 

particular charges, &c. So in the end of thirtie dayes, our 

The Citie ship lying before the City called Sakay, three leagues, or 

Saiay. j.^^ leagues J from Ozaca, where the Emperour at that 

time lay, commandement came from the Emperour, that 

our ship should be carried to the Easter part of the land. 

Quanta. called Quanto, whither according to his commandement 

we were carried, the distance beeing about an hundred and 

twenty leagues. Our passage thither was long by reason 

of contrary windes, so that the Emperour was there long 

before us. Comming to the land of Quanto, and neere 

Eddo about to the Citie Eddo, where the Emperour was : beeing 

1 20. leagues arrived, we sought all meanes by supplications to get our 

""^ ' ship cleare, and to seeke our best profit, to come where the 

Hollanders have their trade : in which suit we spent much 

of the mony given us. Also, in this time, three or foure 

of our men rebelled against the Captaine, and me, and 

made a mutinie with the rest of our men, so that we had 

much trouble with them. For they would not abide me 



any longer in the ship, but every one would be a Com- 
mander : and they would every one have their parts of 
the money that was given by the Emperour. It would 
bee too tedious to write the particulars of all that passed 
herein. Therefore for quietnesse sake, wee divided the 
money to every one as his place was : and this was after 
we had beene two yeeres in Japan. After which time, 
when we had received a deniall, that we should not have 
our ship, but must abide in Japan, our companie having 
their parts of the money, dispersed themselves everie one 
where he thought best. In the end, the Emperour gave 
every man (to live upon) two pounds Rice a day, and 
yeerely so much as was worth eleven or twelve Ducats a 
yeare : my selfe, the Captaine, and Mariners all alike. 
So in processe of foure or five yeeres the Emperour called 
me, and as he had done divers times before, so one time 
he would have me to make him a small ship : I answered 
that I was no Carpenter, and had no knowledge thereof : 
Well, doe it so well as you can, saith he, if it be not good, 
it is no matter. Wherefore at his command I built him 
a ship of the burthen of eightie tunnes, or there abouts : 
which ship being made in all proportions as our manner 
is, he comming aboord to see it, liked it very well ; by 
which meanes I came in more favour with him, so that I 
came often in his presence, who from time to time gave me 
presents, and at length a yeerely revenew to live upon, 
much about seventie Ducats by the yeere, with two pounds 
of Rice a day also. Now beeing in such grace and favour, 
by reason I learned him some points of Geometry, and the 
Mathematickes, with other things : I pleased him so, that 
what I said could not be contradicted. At which my 
former enemies, Jesuites and Portugals, did greatly 
wonder, and intreated me to befriend them to the 
Emperour in their business : and so by my meanes, 
both Spaniards and Portugals have received friend- 
ship from the Emperour ; I recompencing their evill 
unto me with good. So, to passe my time to 
get my living, it hath cost mee great labour and 



[I. iii. 128.] 

He bmlded a 
ship o/So. 
turn for the 

The Emperour 
bestoweth a 
yeerely reve- 
new on him of 
70. Ducats, 
of Rice a day. 




travell at the first ; but God hath blessed my 

In the ende of five yeeres, I made supplication to the 
King to goe out of this Land, desiring to see my poore 
Wife and children according to conscience and nature. 
With the which request, the Emperour was not well 
pleased, and would not let me goe any more for my 
Countrey, but that I must continue in his Land, &c. Yet 
in processe of time, beeing in great favour with the 
Emperour, I made supplication againe by reason we had 
newes that the Hollanders were in Achen and Patania ; 
which rejoyced us much, with hope, that God should bring 
us to our Countrey againe, by one meanes or other. Then 
I made supplication againe, and boldly spake my selfe with 
him, at which he gave me no answer. I told him, if he 
would permit me to depart, I would bee a meanes, that 
both the English, and Hollanders should come and 
traffique there in his Land. He answered, that he was 
desirous of both those Nations company for traffique, but 
would not part with me by any meanes : but bade me 
write to that purpose. Seeing therefore I could not pre- 
vaile for my selfe, I sued that my Captaine might depart, 
Itbertte for the ^j^j^j^ g^jj jjgg presently graunted me. So having gotten 

his libertie, he imbarqued in a Japans Junck, and sayled 
to Patane : but he tarried there a yeers space, waiting 
for Holland ships. And seeing none came, he went from 
Patane to Jor, where he found a Fleet of nine saile : of 
which Fleet Matleef was General, and in this Fleet he was 
made Master againe, which Fleet sailed to Malacca, and 
fought with an Armado of Portugals : in which battel he 
The Captaine ^as shot, and presently died : so that as yet, I think, no 
certain newes is knowne, whether I be living or dead. 
Therefore my desire is, that my wife and two children 
may heare, that I am here in Japan : so that my wife is in 
a manner a widdow, and my children fatherlesse : which 
thing only is my greatest griefe of heart, and conscience, 
&c. I am a man not unknown in Ratcliffe and Lime- 
house : to my good Master M. Nicholas Diggines, and M. 


He obtained 

slaine at 



Thomas Best, and M. Nicholas Isaac, and William Isaac, 
brothers, with many others ; also to M. William Jones, 
and M. Becket. Therefore may this Letter come to any 
of their hands, or the copy of this Letter : I know that 
Companies mercy is such, that my friends and kinred shall 
have newes, that I doe as yet live in this vale of my sinftill 
pilgrimage : the which thing againe and againe I do desire 
for Jesus sake. 

You shall understand, that the first shippe that I did 
make, made a Voyage or two, and then the King com- 
manded me to maice an other, the which I did, beeing of -^^ builded 
the burthen of an hundred and twentie tunnes. In this l"°^/jf/„f(,/- 
ship I have made a Voyage from Meaco to Eddo, beeing , ^^^ tumes. 
about the length as from London to the Lizarde or Lands 
end of England. In the yeere of our Lord 1609. the 
King lent this ship to the Governour of Manilla, to goe 
with eightie of his men, to saile to Acapulco. In the 
yeere of our Lord 1609. a great ship called the S. Fran- 1609. 
cisco, beeing about a thousand tunnes, was cast away upon ^'^^ ^■^'"".', 
the coast of Japan, in the latitude of thirty five degrees J^'LSjooo. 
and fiftie minutes : by distresse of weather she cut over- tunnes cast 
boord her maine Mast, and bore up for Japan, and in the away on the 
night before they were aware, they ranne the ship upon coast of Japan 
the shore, which was cast away, in the which one hundred ^^^ min^^ ^ 
thirtie and sixe men were drowned, and three hundred 
fortie, or three hundred fiftie saved : in which ship the 
Governour of Manilla as a Passenger, was to returne to 
Nova Spania. But this Governour was sent in the bigger 
ship of my building, in Ann. 16 10. to Acapulco. And in 
Ann. 161 1, this Governour returned another ship in her 
roome, with a great present, and with an Embassadour to 
the Emperour, giving him thankes for his great firiendship : 
and also sent the price of the Emperours ship in goods and 
money : which shippe the Spaniards have now in the 
Philippinas. Now for my service which I have done and 
daily doe, being employed in the Emperours service, he "^^j."" 
hath given me a living, like unto a Lordship in England, pension given 
with eightie or ninetie husbandmen, who are as my unto Mm. 
II 337 Y 


[I. iii. 12 


Two Ships of 
Holland came 
to Japan, In 
the yeare 

Another small 
Ship of Hol- 
land, arrived 
there, 1 6 1 1 . 

There is much 
Silver \£ Gold 
in Japan. 
vendible for 
readie money. 

breadth of 


servants and slaves : the like President was never done to 
any stranger before. Thus God hath provided for mee 
after my great miserie ; his name hath and have the prayse 
for ever, Amen. 

Now, whether I shall come out of this Land I know 
not. Untill this present there hath been no meanes, but 
now, through the Trade of the Hollanders there is meanes. 
In the yeere of our Lord, 1609. *^° Holland Ships came 
to Japan. Their Intention was to take the Caracke, that 
yeerely came from Macao, and being some five or six dayes 
too late, neverthelesse, they came to Firando, and came to 
the Court to the Emperour : where they were in great 
friendship received, conditioning with the Emperour 
yearely, to send a Ship or two : and so they departed 
with the Emperours Passe. Now, this yeare 1 6 1 1 . there 
is a small Ship arrived, with Cloth, Lead, Elephants teeth, 
Dammaske, and blacke TafRties, raw Silke, Pepper, and 
other commodities : and they have shewed cause, why they 
missed the former yeare 16 10. according to promise yearely 
to come. This Ship is well received, and with great kind- 
nesse intertained. You shall understand that the Hol- 
landers have, here, an Indies of money : for, they need not 
to bring Silver out of Holland in to the East Indies. For 
in Japan, there is much Silver and Gold to serve their 
turnes in other places where need requireth in the East 
Indies. But the merchandise, which is here vendible for 
readie money, is, raw Silke, Damaske, blacke TafRties, 
blacke and red Cloth of the best, Lead, and such like 
goods. So, now understanding by this Holland Ship 
lately arrived here, that there is a settled Trade driven 
by my Countrey-men in the East Indies : I presume that 
amongst them, some, either Merchants, Masters, or 
Mariners, must needs know mee. Therefore I have 
emboldned my selfe to write these few lines, in short, being 
desirous, not to be over-tedious to the Reader. This 
Hand of Japan is a great Land, and lyeth to the North- 
wards in the Latitude of eight and fortie degrees, and 
the Souther-most part of it, in five and thirtie degrees, and 




the length of it East by North, and West & by South (for 

so it lyeth) is two hundred and twentie English leagues. 

The breadth South and North of it thirteene degrees 

twenty leagues to the degree, is two hundred sixty leagues, 

& is almost square. The people of this Hand of Japan are The disposition 

good of nature, curteous above measure, and valiant in "J P^'P ■ 

warre : their Justice is severely executed without any 

partialitie upon transgressors of the Law. They are 

governed in great civilitie, I thinke, no Land better 

governed in the world by Civill Policie. The people are 

verie superstitious in their Religion, and are of divers 

opinions. There are many Jesuites and Franciscan Friars ^"^y Jesuites 

in this Land, and they have converted many to be t,^?""''7 

, . * ' CGtt r ftdTS tit 

Christians, and have many Churches in the Hand. Thus, japan. 
in short I am constrained to write, hoping that by one 
meanes or other, in processe of time I shall heare of my 
wife and children : and so with patience I wait the good 
will and pleasure of God Almightie, desiring all those to 
whom this my Letter shall come, to use the meanes to 
acquaint my good friends with it, that so my wife and 
children may heare of me : by which meanes there may be 
hope, that I may heare of my wife and children before my 
death : The which the Lord grant to his glorie, and my 
comfort, Amen. 

Dated in Japan the two and twentieth of October, 

By your unworthy friend and servant, to command 
in what I can, 

William Adams. 
To my unknowne Friends and Countrey-men, desiring 
this Letter, by your good meanes, or the Newes or 
Copie of this Letter, may come to the hands of one, 
or many of my acquaintance in Lime-house, or else- 
where, or in Kent in Gillingham by Rochester, 




A Letter of William Adams to his Wife 
from Japan. 

LOving Wife, you shall understand how all things have 
passed with mee from the time of mine absence from 
you. We set saile with five ships from the Texel in 
Holland, the foure and twentieth of June, 1598. And 
departed from the Coast of England, the fift of July. 
And the one and twentieth of August, we came to one 
The Iks of of the Isles of Capo Verde, called Sant' lago, where we 
ape er e. abode foure and twentie dayes. In which time many of 
our men fell sicke through the unwholsomenesse of the 
Aire, and our Generall among the rest. Now the reason 
that we abode so long at these Hands was. That one of the 
Captaines of our Fleet made our Generall beleeve, that 
at these Hands we should find great store of refreshing, 
as Goats and other things which was untrue. 

Here I and all the Pilots of the fleet were called to a 

Councell : in which wee all shewed our judgements of 

disliking the place : which were by all the Captaines taken 

so ill, that afterward it was agreed by them all, that the 

Pilots should be no more in the Councell, the which was 

executed. The fifteenth day of September we departed 

from the Isle of Sant' lago, and passed the Equinoctiall 

Line. And in the latitude of three degrees to the South 

Their General our Generall dyed : wherewith many contrarie windes and 

d;jeth. raine, the season of the yeare being very much past, wee 

[I. iii. 130.] were forced upon the Coast of Guiney, falling upon an 

Cabo de head-land called Cabo de Spiritu Sancto. The new 

inGuinn"' Generall commanded to beare up with Cape de Lopo 

Capo de Lope Consalves, there to seeke refreshing for our men, the 

Cmsalves. which we did. In which place we landed all our sicke 

men, where they did not much better, for wee could find 

no store of victuals. The nine and twentieth of December 

wee set saile to goe on our Voyage ; and in our way we 

ifl" '^'* k ^^^ ^^'^ ^" Island called Illha da Nobon, where we landed 

u tiie Hoi- ^'1 °^^ sicke men, taking the Island in by force. Their 

landers. Towne contayned some eightie houses. Having refreshed 



our men, we set saile againe. At which time our Generall 
commanded, that a man for foure dayes should have but 
one pound of bread, that was a quarter of a pound a day : 
with the like proportion of Wine and Water. Which 
scarcitie of Victuals brought such feeblenesse, that our 
men fell into so great weaknesse and sicknesse for hunger, 
that they did eate the Calves skinnes, wherewith our Ropes 
were covered. The third of Aprill 1599. we fell with April, 3. 
the Port of Saint Julian : And the sixt of Aprill we came iS99- 
into the Straight of Magellan to the first narrow. And Tf'i Straight 
the eighth day we passed the second narrow with a good ^ Magellan. 
wind, where we came to an Anchor, and landed on Penguin 
Island : where we laded our Boate fill of Penguins, which 
are fowles greater then a Ducke : wherewith we were 
greatly refreshed. The tenth we weighed anchor having 
much wind, which was good for us to goe thorow. But 
our Generall would water, and take in provision of wood 
for all our fleet. In which Straight there is enough in 
every place, with anchor ground in all places three or foure 
leagues one from another. 

In the meane time, the wind changed, and came 
Southerly, so we sought a good harbour for our ship on ji good Har- 
the North-side, foure leagues off Elizabeths Bay. All borough. 
Aprill being out wee had wonderfull much Snow and 
Ice, with great winds. For in April, May, June, July, 
and August is the Winter there, being in fiftie two 
degrees J. by South the Equinoctiall. Many times in the 
Winter we had the wind good to goe through the Straights, 
but our Generall would not. We abode in the Straight 
till the foure and twentieth of August, 1599. On the The z^. of 
which day wee came into the South Sea: where sixe or ^«5»-'^>'599- 
seven dayes after in a greater storme we lost the whole \^south7ea 
fleet one from another. That storme being long we were 
driven into the latitude of fiftie foure degrees, J. by South 
the Equinoctiall. The weather breaking up and having 
good wind againe, the ninth of October we saw the 
Admirall, of which we were glad, eight or ten dayes after in 
the night having very much wind, our fore-sayle flew away, 



They arive on 
the Coast of 
Chili the 29. 
of October. 

They trade 
with the 
people of the 
countrey in 
46. degrees. 

The He of 

23. Men 
Adams slaine. 
The Isle ofS. 
They meete 
with their 


and wee lost companie of the Admirall. Then according 
to wind and weather, we directed our course for the Coast 
of Chili : where the nine and twentieth of October, we 
came to the place appointed of our GeneraU in fortie sixe 
degrees, where wee set up a pinnesse and stayed eight and 
twentie dayes : In this place wee found people, with whom 
wee had friendship five or sixe dayes : who brought us 
sheep ; for which we gave them Bels and Knives, and it 
seemed to us they were contented. But shortly after they 
went all away from the place where our ship was, and we 
saw them no more. Eight and twentie dayes being 
expired, we set sayle minding to goe for Baldivia. So wee 
came to the mouth of the Bay of Baldivia. And being 
very much wind our Captaines minde changed, so that we 
directed our course for the Isle of Mocha. 

The first of November we came to the He of Mocha, 
lying in the Latitude of eight and thirtie degrees. Having 
much wind we durst not anchor, but directed our course 
for Cape Sancta Maria, two leagues by South the Hand of 
Sancta Maria : where having no knowledge of the people, 
the second of November our men went on land, and the 
people of the Land fought with our men, and hurt eight 
or nine ; but in the end, they made a false composition of 
friendship, which our men did beleeve. 

The next day our Captaine, and three and twentie of 
our chiefe men went on land, meaning for marchandize 
to get victualls, having wonderfuU hunger. Two or three 
of the people came straight to our Boat in friendly manner, 
with a kind of Wine and Rootes, with making tokens to 
come on land, making signes that there were Sheep and 
Oxen. Our Captaine with our men, having great desire to 
get refreshing for our men, went on land. The people 
of the Countrey lay intrenched a thousand and above, 
and straight-way fell upon our men, and slew them all; 
among which was my brother Thomas Adams. By this 
losse we had scarse so many men whole, as could weigh 
our Anchor. So the third day in great distresse, we set 
our course for the Island of Santa Maria, where we found 



our Admirall : whom when we saw, our hearts were some- 
what comforted : we went aboord them, and found them 
in as great distresse as we ; having lost their Generall with 3"^^ Generall 
seven and twentie of their men slaine at the Island of "" . ^7-"'^" 
Mocha : from whence they departed the day before we ^ocha. 
came by. Here we tooke counsell what we should doe 
to get Victualls. To goe on land by force we had no 
men : for the most part were sicke. There came a Spaniard 
by composition to see our Shippe. And so the next day 
he came againe, and we let him depart quietly. The third 
day came two Spaniards aboord us without pawne, to see 
if they could betray us. When they had seene our Shippe, 
they would have gone on land againe : but we would not 
let them, shewing that they came without leave, and we 
would not let them goe on land againe without our leave ; 
whereat they were greatly offended. We shewed them 
that we had extreame neede of Victualls, and that if they 
would give us so many Sheepe, and so many Beeves, they 
should goe on Land. So against their wils they made 
composition with us, which within the time appointed [I. iii. 131. J 
they did accomplish. Having so much refreshing as we 
could get, we made all things well againe, our men beeing 
for the most part recovered of their sickenesse. There 
was a young man, one Hudcopee, which knew nothing, 
but had served the Admirall, who was made Generall : and 
the Master of our Shippe was made Vice-Admirall, whose 
name was Jacob Quaternak of Roterdam. So the Generall 
and Vice-Admirall called me and the other Pilote, beeing 
an Englishman, called Timothy Shotten, (which had been TmotAy 
with M. Thomas Candish in his Voyage about the World) ^^J^^i^n^ 
to take counsell what we should doe to make our Voyage pu^t i„ the 
for the best profit of our Marchants. At last it was Admirall. 
resolved to goe for Japan. For by report of one Dirrick Dimck Ger- 
Gerritson, which had been there with the Portugals, "'""' 
woollen cloth was in great estimation in that Hand. And 
we gathered by reason that the Malucos, and the most 
part of the East Indies were hot Countreyes where woolen 
cloth would not be much accepted : wherefore we all 




They leave the agreed to goe for Japan. So leaving the Coast of Chili 

^""j' 'fC^^^'^ from thirtie sixe degrees of South-latitude, the seven and 

directh "for twentieth of November, 1 599. we tooke our course directly 

Japan. for Japan, and passed the line Equinoctiall with a faire 

They crossethe wind, which continued good for diverse moneths. In our 

Equinoctiall ^^j ^g fg^ ^ij-h certain Islands in sixeteene degrees of 

These Iks North-latitude, the Inhabitants whereof are men-eaters. 

seeme to bee the Comming neere these Islands, and having a great Pinnesse 

Ladrones. with US, eight of our men beeing in the Pinnesse, ranne 

?,. of their men from US with the Pinnesse, and (as we suppose) were eaten 

'tTiTT'ln" °^ ^■^^ ^^^^ racn, of which people we tooke one : which 

afterward the Generall sent for to come into his Shippe. 

When wee came into the latitude of seven and twentie 

and eight and twentie degrees, we found very variable 

They lost their ^Jnds and stormy weather. The foure and twentieth of 

24. of Feb- February we lost sight of our Admirall, which afterward 

ruary, 1 600. we saw no more : Neverthelesse we still did our best, 

directing our course for Japan. The foure and twentieth 

Jn lie called gf March, we saw an Island called Una Colonna : at which 

na onna. ^^^^^ many of our men were sicke againe, and divers dead. 

Great was the miserie we were in, having no more but nine 

or tenne able men to goe or creepe upon their knees : our 

Captaine, and all the rest, looking every houre to die. 

The eleventh of Aprill, 1600. we saw the land of Japan 

neere unto Bungo : at which time there were no more but 

The 12. of fiye nien of us able to goe. The twelfth of Aprill, we 

prt , I 00. (.g^jjjg hzxA. to Bung-o, where may Barkes came aboord us, 

Japan neere ^he people whereof wee willingly let come, having no force 

Bungo. to resist them : at which place we came to an Anchor. 

They came to Xhe people offered us no hurt, but stole all things that 

an Anchor. ^^^ could steale : for which some paid deare afterward. 

The next day, the King of that land sent souldiers aboord 

to see that none of the Marchants goods were stolne. 

Two or three dayes after, our Shippe was brought into a 

good Harbour, there to abide till the principal! King of 

the whole Island had newes of us, and untill it was 

knowne what his will was to doe with us. In the meane 

time we got favour of the King of that place, to get our 




Captaine and sicke men on land, which was granted. And 
wee had an house appointed us, in which all our men were 
laid, and had refreshing given them. After wee had beene 
there five or sixe dayes, came a Portugall Jesuite with 
other Portugals, who reported of us, that we were Pirats, T^^ Portugah 
and were not in the way of Marchandizing. Which "pl^J/^^'"-^"' 
report caused the Governours and common-peeple to 
thinke evill of us : In such manner, that we looked alwayes 
when we should be set upon Crosses ; which is the 
execution in this land for theevery and some other crimes. 
Thus daily more and more the Portugalls incensed the 
Justices and people against us. And two of our men, 
as traytors, gave themselves in service to the King, beeing 
all in all with the Portugals, having by them their lives 
warranted. The one was called Gilbert de Conning, whose 
mother dwelleth at Middleborough, who gave himselfe 
out to be Marchant of all the goods in the Shippe. The 
other was called John Abelson Van Owater. These 
traitours sought all manner of wayes to get the goods into 
their hands, and made knowne unto them all things that 
had passed in our Voyage. Nine dayes after our arrivall, 
the great King of the land sent for me to come unto him. He was sent 
So taking one man with me, I went to him, taking my firtothe gj-eat 
leave of our Captaine, and all the others that were sicke, '"'^' 
commending my selfe into his hands, that had preserved 
me from so many perils on the sea. I was carried in one 
of the Kings gallies to the Court at Osaca, where the 
King lay, about eightie leagues from the place where the 
Shippe was. The twelfth of May, 1600. I came to the Hecommethto 
great Kings citie : who caused me to be brought into the '^' Court. 
Covirt, beeing a wonderfiill costly house guilded with gold 
in abundance. Comming before the King, he viewed me 
well, and seemed to be wonderfull favourable. He made 
many signes unto me, some of which I understood, and 
some I did not. In the end there came one that could 
speake Portuges. By him the King demanded of me, of T*he Kings 
what Land I was, and what mooved us to come to his i""''""'- 
Land beeing so farre off. I shewed unto him the name 




of our Countrey, and that our land had long sought out 

' the East-Indies, and desired friendship with all Kings and 

': Potentates in way of marchandize, having in our Land 

diverse commodities, which these Lands had not : and 

also to buy such marchandizes in this Land, which our 

Countrey had not. Then he asked whether our Countrey 

had warres ? I answered him yea, with the Spaniards and 

Portugals, beeing in peace with all other Nations. 

Further, he asked me, in what I did beleeve.'' I said, 

in God that made Heaven and Earth. He asked me 

I diverse other questions of things of Religion, and many 

'; other things : As what way we came to the Country. 

! i Having a Chart of the whole world, I shewed him, through 

' the Straight of Magellan. At which he wondred, and 

[I. iii. 132.J thought me to lie. Thus from one thing to another I 

abode with him till mid-night. And having asked mee, 

what marchandize we had in our shippe, I shewed him 

all. In the end, he beeing ready to depart, I desired that 

we might have trade of marchandize, as the Portugals and 

the Spanyards had. To which he made me an answer : but 

He was sent to -^hat it was I did not understand. So he commanded me 

liTlL ,.^, to be carried to prison. But two dayes after he sent for 
He was sent . 1 • 1 r 1 1 • • 1 1 ■ ■ 

for againe. "1^ againe, and enquired or the qualities and conditions 

of our Countreys, of Warres and Peace, of Beasts and 

Cattell of all sorts, of the Heavens. It seemed that he 

was well content, with all mine answers unto his demands. 

He was sent to Neverthelesse I was commanded to prison againe : but 

prison the ^ lodging was bettered in another place. 

The rest of this letter (by the malice of the bearers) was 
suppressed : but seemeth to bee in substance the same 
with the former. I have added this also, as containing 
divers things not mentioned in the former. This William 

* The James Adams lately died at Firando, in Japan, as by *the last 

returning gj^- received intelligence. 

home this i o 

yeere. 1621. 




§. VI. 

The second Voyage of John Davis with Sir Edward 
Michelborne Knight, into the East-Indies, in 
the Tigre a ship of two hundred and fortie 
Tuns, with a Pinnasse called the Tigres Whelpe: 

which though in time it be later then the first 
of the East-Indian Societie, yet because it was 
not set forth by them, I have heere placed. 

He fift of December, 1604. we set saile from the 
Cowes in the He of Wight. The three and 
twentieth we arrived at TenerifFe, in the road of 


Aratana. The fourteenth of January at night we were 
troubled with extreme heate, lightnings, thunder and raine 
all the night. 

The sixteenth we passed under the Equinoctiall Line, 
shaping our course for the He Loronnah, the wind being 
at South South-east, our course South South-west, & some 
three degrees South-ward of the Line, we met with such 
multitudes of fish, as it is incredible to report, so that with 
our Hookes, Lines and Harping Irons, wee tooke so many 
Dolphines, Bonitos, and other fishes, that our men were so 
wearie with eating of fish, that we could not tell what to 
doe with it. Moreover there were fowles called Pashara- 
boves and Alcatrarzes. We tooke many of those 
Pasharaboves, for it is a fowle that delighteth to come 
to a ship in the night : and if you doe but hold up your 
hand, they will light upon it. The other foule called 
Alcatrarzi is a kind of Hawlke that liveth by fishing. 
For when the Bonitos or Dolphines doe chase the flying 
fish under the water, so that he is glad to flee from them 
out of the water to save his life, this Alcatrarzi flyeth after Pasharaboves. 
them like a Hawke after a Partridge. Of these flying ^Ic'Hrazzi. 
fishes I have seene so many flee together, that you would 
have thought them to be a great flocke of Birds afarre off. 
They are but little fishes, scarsly so big as an Hering. 


Fernando de 



The lie of The two and twentieth we came to an anker at the He 

of Loronnah, being foure degrees to the South-ward of 
the Line, where, in going on shore, our SkifFe was over- 
set, by reason of the violent breach that the Sea made, at 
which time was drowned a Kinsman of our Generall called 
Master Richard Michelburne, and aU the rest were saved. 

The five and twentieth, our long Boat going to fill some 
emptie Caske with water, came againe within the danger 
of that unfortunate Sea, and was over-set, and two more 
of our men drowned. Here wee were very much troubled 
in getting wood and water aboord, because the landing 
was so dangerous, that wee were forced to pull our Caske 
on shore with Ropes, and so backe againe when it was 
filled. Not sixe dayes before we came hither, there was an 
Hollander here, which sent his Boat for water, which was 
broken all into pieces against the Rockes, and his mens 
braines beaten out, and their armes and legs cut from their 

The sixe and twentieth, our Generall went on shore to 
see the Hand, and marching up and downe in the same, 
wee found nothing but a wild Countrey, inhabited onely 
by sixe Negros, which live like slaves. In this Hand have 
beene great store of Goates, and some wild Oxen ; but 
by reason the Portugall Carakes sometime use to water 
here when they go into the East-Indies, and that these 
poore slaves are left there as their servants, to kill and 
drie Goates against their comming thither, they have 
destroyed both Goats and Oxen, so that wee could find 
but few. In this Hand are great store of Turtle-Doves, 
Alcatrarzes, and other Fowle, which wee kiUed with our 
Pieces, and found them to be very daintie meate. Also 
heere is good store of Maiz or Guynie Wheat. Here are 
likewise plentie of rotten Trees, whereon groweth the fine 
Bombast, and abundance of wild Goards, and Water- 
melons. When we were furnished with wood and water 
we came aboord. 

The twelfth of February, wee found our selves to bee 
in seven degrees, five minutes to the South- ward : in which 




place at night, I thinke I saw the strangest Sea, that ever 

was seene : which was. That the burning or glittering light -^ strange 

of the Sea did shew to us, as though all the Sea over had f//*^"^ 

beene burning flames of fire, and all the night long, the 

Moone being downe, you might see to read in any booke 

by the light thereof. 

The thirteenth day in the morning, wee descried an [I- "i. 13 3-] 
Hand, or rather indeed a Rocke. The name is Ascention, 
the height eight degrees thirtie minutes to the South-ward. 

The first of Aprill, toward night, wee descried Land ^fril. 
from the maine top, which bare off us, South South-East, 
when according to our reckoning and accounts, wee were 
not neere by fortie leagues, but yet the variation of the 
Compasse, did tell us that wee were on Land thirtie 
leagues before we saw Land. 

The second day in the morning we were hard by the 
shore, which was ten or twelve leagues to the North-ward 
of the Bay of Saldannah. 

The third day we sayled by a little Hand, which Captain 
John Davis tooke to be an Iland, that standeth some five 
or six leagues from Saldannah. Whereupon our Generall, 
Sir Edward Michelburne, desirous to see the Iland, took 
his Skiffe, accompanied with no more then the Masters 
Mate, the Purser, and my selfe, and foure men that did 
row the Boat, and so putting off from the Ship wee came 
on land : while wee were on shore, they in the Ship had a 
storme, which drave them out of sight of the Iland : 
and wee were two dayes, and two nights before wee could 
recover our Ship. Upon the said Iland is abundance of Cmie Hand. 
great * Conies, and Seales : whereupon we called it Cony 

The eighth day, we came to an Anchor, in the Road of 

The ninth wee went on shore, finding a goodly Coun- "^fify ^^^ '" 
trey, inhabited by a most savage and beastly people, as 't^3 / 
ever I thinke God created. In this place wee had excellent 
good refreshing : in so much that I thinke the like place 
is not to be found among savage people. For wee neither 




high moun- 

Their women 
some are well 
featured, some 
of their men 
have but one 
stone. Copper 
is now in 
request with 

A certaine 
kind of root. 


wanted Beefe, Mutton, nor Wild-Fowle all the time we 
lay there. This Countrey is very full of Oxen and Sheepe, 
which they keepe in great Heards and Flocks, as we do 
our Cattle in England. Moreover, it doth abound with 
store of wild Beasts, and Fowles, as wild Deere in great 
abundance, Antelops, Babious, Foxes and Hares, Ostriches, 
Cranes, Pelicans, Herons, Geese, Duckes, Phesants, Part- 
ridges, and divers other sorts of excellent Fowles. Of 
which Fowles wee killed great store with our Pieces. It 
is also most pleasantly watered with wholesome springs, 
which have their beginning from the tops of exceeding 
high Mountaines, which falling into the Vallies, make 
them very fruitfuU. Also there is a kind of Trees, not 
much unlike to Bay Trees, but of a farre harder substance, 
that grow close \)y the Sea side. The people of the 
Countrey brought us more BuUockes and Sheepe, then 
wee could spend all the time wee stayed there. So that 
we carryed fresh Beefe and Mutton to Sea with us. For 
a piece of an old yron Hoope, not worth two pence, you 
might buy a great Bullocke : and for a piece of yron, not 
worth two or three good Horse Nayles, you might buy a 
Sheepe. They goe naked, save onely they weare upon 
their shoulders a Sheepe skin, and before their privities a 
little flap of a skin, which covereth as much, as though 
they had none at all before them. In the time of our 
being there, they lived upon the guts and filth of the 
meate, which we did cast away, feeding in most beastly 
manner : for they would neither wash nor make cleane 
the guts, but take them and cover them over with hote 
ashes, and before they were through hote, they pulled 
them out, shaking them a little in their hands, and so eate 
both the guts, the excrements, and the ashes. They live 
upon raw flesh, and a certaine kind of roote which they 
have, which groweth there in great abundance. In this 
place we lay on shore, from the ninth of April untill the 
third of May. By which good recreation and refreshing, 
wee found our selves in as good health, as when wee put 
to Sea at the verie first. 



The seventh of May, wee were South off the Cape of 
Bona Esperanza, by estimation tenne leagues. This night 
we passed over the shoalds of Cape Das Aguilhas. 

The ninth day, rose a mightie storme, at which time we 
lost sight of our Pinnasse, being driven by violence of 
weather from her. This storme continued for the space 
of two dayes, and two nights most fearefull and dangerous, 
with raine, lightning, and thunder, and often shipping of 
much water. The Portugals call this place. The Lion of 
the Sea, by reason of the extreame fury and danger, which 
they find in doubling of this Cape. In the extremitie of our 
storme appeared to us in the night, upon our maine Top- 
mast head, a flame about the bignesse of a great Candle ; 
which the Portugals call Corpo Sancto, holding it a most 
divine token, that when it appeareth the worst is past. 
x4.s, thanked be God, we had better weather after it. 
Some thinke it to be a spirit : other write that it is an 
exhalation of moyst vapours, that are ingendred by foule 
and tempestuous weather. Some affirme that the Ship is 
fortunate where it lighteth, and that shee shall not perish. 
It appeared unto us two nights together, after which time 
we had a faire wind and good weather. 

The twenty fourth, the- He De Diego Rolz, standing in 
the Latitude of nineteene degrees & fortie minutes to the 
South-ward, and in the I^ongitude of ninetie eight degrees, 
and thirtie minutes, bare North off us about five of the 
clocke eight leagues off. Wee bare roome to have landed, 
but the wind grew so stifFe in the night, that we altered 
our determination. About this Hand we saw great store 
of white Birds, having in their tayles but two long 
feathers. These Birds, and divers others accompanied us 
with such contrary winds and gusts, that wee often split 
our sayles, and boulting to and againe, we rather went to 
the Lee-ward, then gained any thing, the wind blew so 
StifFe at the East South East. 

The third day of June, standing our course for the He 
De Cirne, we descried the He De Diego Roiz againe, and 
bare roome with it, thinking to have stayed there to attend 



The Cape 
de Bona 
Cape Das 

The Lion of 
the Sea. 

Corpo Sancto. 

The Ik de 
Diego Roiz in 
19. degrees 
40. minutes. 

[I. iii. 134.J 

June 3. 
The lie of 
Diego Roiz is 
a verie dan- 
gerous place. 


The lies Dos 

Their Bootes 
goe on shore. 
The lie of 


They passe the 




a good wind : but finding it to be a very dangerous place, 
wee durst not come to an anchor there, for feare of the 
rockes and sholds that lye about it ; and upon better con- 
sideration wee altred our purpose, and stood for East-India. 

The fifteenth of June, we had sight of Land, which was 
the He Dos Banhos, in sixe degrees, and thirtie seven 
minutes to the South-ward, and in one hundred and nine 
degrees of Longitude. These Hands are falsely laid in 
most Charts, lying too much to the West. Here we sent 
our Boats to see, if they could find any good ground to 
anchor in. But searching both the South and West shore, 
they could find none. There are five of these Hands : they 
abound with Fowle, Fish, and Coco Nuts. Our Boats 
went on shore, and brought great store of them aboord 
us, which wee found to be excellent meate. Seeing wee 
could find no good anchoring, by reason that in some 
places close under the shore it was so deepe, that wee 
could find no ground, and in other places were such sharpe 
rockes, and sholds, that wee durst not anchor, having but 
bad and contrary winds, we left these Hands, and stood 
our course, as neere as we could lye for India. 

The nineteenth of June, we had sight of Land, which was 
the He of Diego Graciosa, standing in the Latitude of seven 
degrees, thirtie minutes South-wards, and in Longitudfe 
one hundred and ten degrees, fortie minutes by our 
accounts. This seemeth to be a very pleasant Hand, and 
of good refreshing, if there be any place to come to an 
anchor. Wee sought but little for anchoring there, 
because the wind was bad, and the tide forced us to the 
shore : so that we durst not stay to search there any 
further. This Hand seemeth to bee some ten or twelve 
leagues long, abounding with Birds and Fish ; and all the 
Hand over seemeth to be a mightie Wood, of nothing 
else but Coco-trees. What else this Hand yeeldeth we 
know not. 

The eleventh of July, wee passed againe the Equinoc- 
tiall Line, where wee were becalmed with extreame heate, 
lightning, and thunder. 




The nineteenth we descried Land, which was many 
Hands, as we thought locked in one, which lay under the -'" ^^""'^ "'' 
high Land, of the great Hand of Sumatra. Here wee ^^J/V"" 
sent off our Boat to get some fresh water : but the Sea j^ortherly 
went with such a violent breach upon the shore, that they Latitude, 
durst not land. The people of this Hand made great adjoyningto 
fiers also along the shore, with intent, as wee thought, to ^**''*'''- 
have had us come on Land. This Hand or Hands, is in 
two degrees of Northerly Latitude. 

The five and twentieth we came to an anchor, by a little 
Hand, where we sent our Boat on shore for water ; but 
finding none, they returned with some Coco Nuts, affirm- 
ing, that the Hand was very full of Coco Trees, which 
had very few Nuts upon them. We saw three or foure 
people upon this Hand : but they went away and would 
not come neere us. Those people we imagined to be left 
there to gather the Cocos, and to make them readie against 
others should come and fetch them. 

The sixe and twentieth, we came to an anchor, within The He of 
a league of a great Hand, called Bata, lying in twentie ^^''' 
minutes of South Latitude. Here we builded up our 
Shalop, and named her the Batte. In this Hand are none 
Inhabitants : it doth exceedingly abound with wood, and 
fresh water Rivers, as also with Fish, Munkies, and a 
kind of Fowle, which they affirme to bee that Countrey 
Batte, whereof in our time of being there I killed one, 
which was greater then an Hare, and in shape very like a 
Squerrill, save onely from each of his sides, did hang Agreatflfmg 
downe two great flaps of skin, which when hee did leape H^^"^-> "'" 
from tree to tree, hee would spread forth like a paire of 
wings, as though hee did seeme to flie with them. They 
are very nimble, and will leap from bough to bough often- 
times, taking hold with nothing but their tayles. Because 
our Shalop was builded in the kingdome of these beasts, 
she was called after their name, The Bat. 

The nine and twentieth day, travailing along the shore, 
in this Hand I discovered a Roader, riding under a little 
Hand about foure leagues from mee : which made mee 
n 353 z 



very glad, hoping it had beene our Pinnasse which wee 
lost in the great storme, neere under the Cape of Bona 
Esperanza : with which newes by night I gate aboord our 
Generall ; who in the morning sent mee, with Captaine 
John Davis, to see if wee could find her. But when wee 

Three Barkes. came to the place, wee found three Barkes riding under 
the Hand. They made signes unto us to come aboord 
them, and told us they had Hennes ; we answered them 
that we would goe fetch some money, and would come 
againe the next morning, and buy. Some of them under- 
stood Portuguse. Wee durst not goe aboord them, 
because wee were but evill provided. The next morning 
being better fiarnished, wee went, thinking to have some 
better commodities of them : but they had waighed anchor, 
and were all gone. It seemed they were afraid of us by 
their hasting away. 

August. The fourth of August, we weighed anchor and stood 

for Priaman. 

The ninth of August, our Generall manned the Shalop, 
and sent us along the Coast, to see if wee could find any 
Roaders, and espying a Sayle, we gave her chase, which 

[I. iii. 135.] when shee perceived shee could not goe from us, shee came 
to an anchor, and forsooke their Barke, and rowed all on 
shore to an Hand in a small Boat, where wee could not 
come at them. Wee laid their Barke aboord, not finding 
any one man in it : the chiefe lading was Cocos Oyle, 
Nuts, and fine Mats. But seeing it was but such meane 
stuffe, and knowing that if we should have taken it, our 
General would not have liked of it ; wee left her, not 
taking any thing from her worth the speaking of. 

The tenth and eleventh dayes we stood close along the 
maine land, whereas we espied eight Prawes, riding over 

Tico a Towne against a place called Tico. Which when we first espied, 

tn Sumatra. ^^ were in good hope, that we might find our Pinnasse 
among them. When we came up with them she was not 
there : but they put us in comfort, telling us there was 
an English Ship at Priaman, which was not past sixe 
leagues from this Towne of Tico. Then standing out to 




Sea we saw our Admiral, and in short time got aboord, 
telling our Generall the newes. Wee had not sayled a 
league further, but our Ship came on ground upon a '^^^'' ^^*P 
Rocke of white Corrall : but God be thanked, having a '^^^j 
great gale, in very short time we got her off againe without 
any hurt at all : And comming neere unto the Road of 
Priaman, we descried our Pinnasse to be there, which wee •^■^^ ^^^ 
had lost so long before in the great storme, in doubling pj„„^j^c 
the Cape of Bona Esperanza. The Captaine and Master which theyhad 
of the Pinnasse, met us halfe a league from the Road in lost so long 
their Skiffe, and at our comming aboord of us, our l>^fi^'- 
Generall did welcome them with a peale of great Ord- 
nance : And after many discourses passed of what had 
happened, in the time of each others absence, wee came 
to an anchor in five fathoms water, very good ground in 
the Road of Priaman, which standeth in fortie minutes of Pfiaman in 
Southerly Latitude. ^ ., Ift^Sy' 

The fourteenth, our General sent mee on shore with a Latitude. 
Present to the Governor, and to others, to see what price 
Pepper was at, and to buy fresh victualls, and to know 
whether our men might came safely on shore. But when 
we came on shore, the Governour durst not speake with 
us privately, by reason of certaine warres that were among 
them : by which meanes they were growne jealous one of 
another. These warres grew upon this occasion. The 
King of Achen having two sonnes, hee kept the eldest at 
home with him, to succeed him after his death, and the 
youngest he made King of Pedir : whereupon the eldest 
Sonne tooke his father prisoner, affirming that he was too 
old to governe any longer, and afterward made warre upon 
his younger brother. Thus seeing little good to be done 
in this place, having refreshed our selves with fresh 
victuals, we resolved to depart from thence. 

The one and twentieth, we weighed anchor, and stood 
for Bantam, on which day we tooke two Prawes, having 
nothing in them but a little Rice. The one of these 
Prawes hurt two of our men very sore after they had 
entred her. For our men thought, because they saw some 



A Shif of 
Bantam taken 
and freely 

They take a 
Ship of Guza- 

Sillibar in 
foure degrees 
of Southerly 


leap over-boordj they had all leaped over-boord ; but they 
were deceived. For the first two men that entred were 
sore hurt by two which lay close hidden behind their 
Sayle : who assoone as they had wounded them, most 
desperately leaped over-boord, swimming away like water 
Spaniells. So taking such things as best fitted us, wee 
left their Prawes, doing them no further harme. 

The three and twentieth, wee tooke a Fisher-boat, 
having nothing of value in him, letting him goe without 
any hurt, saving onely one of them was shot through the 
thigh at the first meeting, when they resisted us. 

The five and twentieth, wee descried a Sayle, and sent 
our Shalop, Long-boat, and SkifFe to see what shee was : 
for our Ship and Pinnasse could not fetch her up, because 
they were becalmed. These Boats comming up with her, 
bid him strike sayle, but shee would not. So wee fell 
in fight with her, from three of the clocke in the afternoone, 
till ten of the clocke at night, by which time our Pinnasse 
had gotten up to us : then shee strooke her sayles and 
yeelded. So wee made her fast to our Pinnasse, and towed 
her along with us all night. In the morning, our Generall 
sent for them to see what they were : and sent three of us 
to see what she was laden withall. When hee had talked 
with them, they told him they were of Bantam : wherefore, 
knowing not what injurie he might doe to the English 
Merchants, that had a Factorie in Bantam at that present ; 
and understanding by us, that their loading was Salt, Rice, 
and China dishes, hee sent them aboord their owne Barke 
againe, not suffering the worth of a penny to bee taken 
from them. They standing toward Priaman, and we 
toward Bantam, left each other. This Barke was of the 
burthen of some fortie Tuns. 

The second of September, we met with a small Ship of 
Guzarate, or Cambaya, being about eightie Tuns : which 
Ship wee tooke and carried into the Road of Sillibar, 
standing in foure degrees of Southerly Latitude ; into 
which Road many Prawes continually come to refresh 
themselves. For here you may have Wood, Water, Rice, 




Buffles-flesh, Goates, Hens, Plants, and Fresh-fish, but all 
very deere. 

The eight and twentieth day, having dispatched all our 
business, wee weighed anchor, and stood for Bantam. 

The three and twentieth of October, wee came to an 2^!"^^' , 
anchor in the Road of Marrah, being in the straight of ^^„.J/ 
Sunda : here we tooke in Fresh-water. In this place are 
great store of Buffles, Goates, Hens, Duckes, and many [I- "i- 136] 
other good things for refreshing of men. They esteeme 
not so much of money as of Calicut clothes, Pintados, and 
such like stuffes. The people being well used, will use 
you well ; but you must looke to them for stealing : for 
they thinke any thing well gotten, that they can steale 
from a stranger. 

The eight and twentieth, we weighed anchor, and stood ■^'^^ twentie 
for Bantam, which standeth in sixe degrees and fortie "^^^f^^ 
minutes of Southerly Latitude. This day we came within 
three leagues of the Towne, where wee came to an anchor 
all night. Here wee thought to have scene the English 
Fleet ; but it was gone for England three weekes before 
we came. Neverthelesse, those that remained in the 
Countrie, as Factors of our Nation, came aboord us, being 
very glad to see any of their Country-men in so forraine 
a place, and withall told our Generall, that the company of 
the Hollanders Ships that were in the Road, had used very 
slanderous reports of us to the King of Bantam : The 
effect whereof was, ' That wee were theeves, and dis- 
' ordinate livers, and such as did come for nothing but to 
' deceive them, or use such violence, as time would give 
' us leave to execute ; and that we durst not come into 
' the Road among them, but kept two or three leagues 
' from thence for feare of them.' After our Generall 
had heard this report ; it so mooved him, that hee weighed 
anchor, sending the Hollanders word, that hee would come 
and ride close by their sides, and bad the prowdest of 
them all that durst to put out a Piece of Ordnance upon 
him ; and withall sent them word, if they did goe about, 
either to brave, or to disgrace him, or his Country-men, 




The second of 
they depart 
from Bantam. 

Two Prawes 


hee would either sinke them, or sinke by their sides. 
There were of these Hollanders five Ships, the one of 
them of seven or eight hundred Tuns, the rest of a farre 
smaller burthen. But of this message (notwithstanding 
we came and anchored close by them) we never had 
answer. But whereas the Hollanders, were wont to 
swagger and keepe great sturre on shore, all the time 
before our being there, they were so quiet, that wee could 
scarcely see one of them on Land. 

The second of November, having scene our Countrey- 
men, wee tooke our leave, and stood our course for Patane. 
And in our way, as wee sayled betweene the Chersonesus 
of Malacca and Pedra Branca, wee met with three Prawes, 
which being afraid of us, anchored so neere unto the shore, 
that we could not come neere them, either with our Ship 
or Pinnasse. Wherefore our Generall manned his Shalop 
with eighteene men, and sent us to them, to request them, 
that for his money hee might have a Pilot to carrie his 
Ship to Pulo Timaon, which is about some five dayes 
sayling from the place where wee met with them. But 
they seeing our Ship and Pinnasse at anchor, about a mile 
from them, and that they were not able to come any neerer 
them, told us plainely, that none of them would goe with 
us, and being at anchor weighed, and were going av/ay: 
Seeing that, we began a fight with them all three : one of 
them we tooke in lesse then halfe an houre, whose men, 
which were seventie three in all gate out of her, and ranne 
on shore. The other fought with us all night, and in the 
morning about the breake of day, shee yeelded unto us. 
Our Generall came to us in his Skiife a little before she 
yeelded. They were laden with Benjamin, Storax, Pepper, 
China Dishes, and Pitch. The third Praw got from us, 
while wee were fighting with the other. Our Generall 
would not sufi^er us to take any thing from them, but only 
two of their men to Pilote us to Pulo Timaon, because 
they were of Java. These people of Java, are very 
resolute in a desperate case. Their chiefe Weapons are 
Javelings, Darts, Daggers, and a kind of poysoned 



Arrowes, which they shoot in Trunkes. They have some 
Harcubushes, but they are nothing expert in using them. 
They also have Targets. The most part of them be 
Mahumetans. They had beene at Palimbam, and were 
going backe againe to Greece, a Port Towne on the North- 
East part of Java where they dwelled. 

The twelfth of November, we dismissed them, standing 
our course toward Patane. 

The six and twentieth of November, we saw certaine 
Hands bearing off us North-west, which neither we, nor 
our new Pilots knew. But having a very contrary wind 
to stand our course for Patane, we thought it very necessary 
to search those Hands for wood and water, hoping by that 
time we had watered, to have a better wind. 

The seven and twentieth, we came to an Anchor within 
a mile of the shore, in sixteene fathomes good ground, 
on the South-side of these Hands. Heere sending our 
Boat on shore, wee found some of them to bee Sunken 
Hands, nothing above the water but the Trees or Rootes 
of them. In one of them we found a reasonable good 
watering place, and all the Hands a Wildernesse of Woods. 
It is a very uncomfortable place, having neither Fruites, 
Fowle, nor any kind of Beast wherewithall to refresh men. 
These Hands we tooke to bee some of the broken Lands, 
lying South-east from the He of Bintam. 

The second of December, having taken in wood and 
water, we weighed Anchor, standing our course for Patane, 
as neere as a bad wind would give us leave. For wee 
found the wind in these monethes to be very contrarie, 
keeping still at North, North-west, or North-East. 

The twelfth day, neere unto Pulo Laor, wee descryed 
three sayles, and sending our Pinnasse and Shalop after 
one of them, being the neerest unto us, we stayed with 
our ship, thinking to have met with the other two : but 
in the night they stood away another course, so that we 
saw them no more. In the morning, we descryed our 
Pinnasse and Shalop, about foure leagues to Leeward, with 
the other ship which they had taken. The wind and 




Arnwes shot 
in Trunkes. 


Grece, a 
Towne in 


The broken 
Lands neere the 
lie of Bintam. 

Pulo Laor. 

[I. iii. 137.] 
Another ship 



Pulo Timaon 
over against 

The Monsons 
in these parts. 

In three weeks 
hee could not 
get one league 
a head. 




current being against them, they were not able to come 
up to us : we seeing that went to them. When wee came, 
wee found her to be a Juncke of Pan-Hange, being in 
burden above an hundred Tunnes, laden with Rice, Pepper 
and Tinne, going to Bantam in Java. Our Generall not 
esteeming any such meane luggage, tooke as much Rice as 
served for his provision, and two little brasse Gunnes, and 
payd them royally for all : not taking any thing else From 
them, save only one man to be our Pilot to Patane : who 
was willing to come along with us, when he saw our 
Generall use them so well. The other two Pilots, which 
wee tooke before out of one of the three Prawes, were 
unskilfull men. Wherefore our Generall rewarding them, 
for the time that they had beene with him, sent them 
backe againe into their owne Countrey, by the Juncke 
which wee tooke, that was going to Java. 

The thirteenth day we left her, standing our course for 
Pulo Timaon, joyning on the King of Pan-Hange his 
Countrey. Here we were troubled very much with con- 
trarie winds and currents. For the Sea runneth alwayes 
from the beginning of November, to the beginning of 
Aprill, to the South-ward : and from Aprill to November 
backe againe to the North-ward. The wind also in the 
aforesaid first five monethes is most commonly Northerly, 
and in the other seven moneths Southerly. AH the ships 
of China, Patane, Jor, Pan-Hange, and other places which 
are to the North-ward, come to Bantam or Palimbam, 
when the Northerly Monsoin is come : and returne backe 
againe when the Southerly Monsoin commeth : Which 
Monsoins come in the monethes before mentioned. This 
being observed you shall have both wind and tydewith you. 
tiere, as I said before, I found such contrary violent winds 
and currents, that I could not in three weekes get a league 
a head. This Countrey of Pan-Hange is a very plentifuU 
Countrey, and fixll of Gentry, after the fashion of those 
Countries, store of shipping, and victuals very cheape. 
This Countrey lyeth betweene Jor and Patane, and reacheth 
on the Sea-coast to Cape Tingeron, beeing a very high 




Cape, and the first Land-fall that the Caracks of Macao 
or Juncks of China, or Camb'oia Prawes doe make as they 
come for Malacca, Java, Sumatra, Jumbe, Jor, Palimbam, 
Grece, or any other parts to the South-ward. 

Here as I stood for Patane : about the twentie seven 
of December, I met with a Juncke of the Japons, which 
had been pyrating along the coast of China and Camboia. 
Their Pilote being dead, with ignorance and foule weather, 
they had cast away their ship on the sholds of the great 
Hand Borneo ; and to enter into the Countrey of Borneo, 
they durst not : for the Japons are not suffered to land in 
any Port in India with weapons : beeing accounted a people 
so desperate and daring, that they are feared in all places 
where they come. These people, their ship being splitted, 
with their Shalops entred this Juncke, wherein I met them, 
which was of Patane, and killed all the people save one old 
Pilot. This Juncke was laden with Rice, which when they 
had possessed and furnished with such furniture, neces- 
saries and armes as they saved out of their sunken shippe, 
they shaped their course for Japan : but the badnesse of 
their Juncke, contrarie winds, and unseasonablenesse of 
the yeare forced them to Leeward : which was the cause 
of mine unluckie meeting them. After I had haled them, 
and made them come to Lee-ward, sending my Boat aboord 
them, I found them by their men and furniture very 
unproportionable for such a ship as they were in ; which 
was a Juncke not above seventie tunnes in burthen, and 
they were ninetie men, and most of them in too gallant a 
habit for Saylers, and such an equalitie of behaviour among 
them, that they seemed all fellowes : yet one among them 
there was that they called Capitaine, but gave him little 
respect. I caused them to come to an Anchor, and upon 
further examination I found their lading to be only Rice ; 
and for the most part spilt with wet : for their ship was 
leake both under and above water. Upon questioning 
with them, I understood them to be men of Warre, that 
had pillaged on the Coast of China and Camboia, and, as 
I said before, had cast away their ship on the sholds of 




Borneo. Here wee road at Anchor under a small Hand, 
neere to the He of Bintam, two dayes entertayning them 
with good usage not taking any thing from them : thinking 
to have gathered by their knowledge, the place and passage 
of certaine ships, on the Coast of China to have made my 
Voyage. But these Rogues being desperate in winds and 
fortunes, being hopelesse in that paltrie Juncke ever to 
returne to their Countrey, resolved with themselves either 
to gaine my shippe, or to lose their lives. And upon 
mutuall courtesies with gifts and feastings betweene us, 
sometimes five and twentie or sixe and twentie of their 
chiefest came aboord : whereof I would not suffer above 
sixe to have weapons. Their was never the like number 
of our men aboord their Juncke. I willed Captaine John 
Davis in the morning to possesse himselfe of their 
weapons, and to put the Companie before Mast, and to 
leave some Guard on their weapons, while they searched 
in the Rice, doubting that by searching and finding that 
which would dislike them, they might suddenly set upon 
my men, and put them to the Sword : as the sequell 
prooved. Captaine Davis being beguiled with their humble 
semblance, would not possesse himselfe of their weapons, 
though I sent twice of purpose from my shippe to will 
him to doe it. They passed all the day, my men searching 
in the Rice, and they looking on : at the Sunne-setting, 
after long search and nothing found, save a little Storax 
and Benjamin : they seeing oportunitie, and talking to the 
rest of their Companie which were in my ship, being neere 
[I. iii. 138.] to their Juncke, they resolved, at a watch-word betweene 
them, to set upon us resolutely in both ships. This being 
concluded, they suddenly killed and drave over-boord, all 
my men that were in their ship ; and those which were 
aboord my ship sallied out of my Cabbin, where they were 
put, with such weapons as they had, finding certaine 
Targets in my Cabin, and other things that they used as 
weapons. My selfe being aloft on the Decke, knowing 
what was likely to follow, leapt into the waste, where, 
with the Boate Swaines, Carpenter and some few more, 



wee kept them under the halfe-decke. At their first 
comming forth of the Cabbin, they met Captaine Davis 
comming out of the Gun-roome, whom they pulled into 
the Cabbin, and giving him sixe or seven mortall wounds, 
they thrust him out of the Cabbin before them. His 
wounds were so mortall, that he dyed assoone as he came 
into the waste. They pressed so fiercely to come to us, 
as we receiving them on our Pikes, they would gather 
on our Pikes with their hands to reach us with their 
Swords. It was neere halfe an houre before we could 
stone them backe into the Cabbin : In which time we had 
killed three or foure of their Leaders. After they were 
driven into the Cabbin, they fought with us at the least 
foure houres before we could suppresse them, often fyring 
the Cabbin, burning the bedding, and much other stuffe 
that was there. And had we not with two Demy- 
culverings, from under the halfe-decke, beaten downe the 
bulke head and the pumpe of the ship, we could not have 
suppressed them from burning the ship. This Ordnance 
being charged with Crosse-barres, Bullets, and Case-shot, 
and bent close to the bulke head, so violently marred 
therewith boords and splinters, that it left but one of them 
standing of two and twentie. Their legs, armes, and 
bodies were so torne, as it was strange to see, how the 
shot had massacred them. In all this conflict they never 
would desire their lives, though they were hopelesse to 
escape : such was the desperatenesse of these Japonians. 
Only one lept over-boord, which afterward swamme to our 
ship againe, and asked for grace, wee tooke him in, and 
asked him what was their purpose .'' He told us, that they 
meant to take our shippe, and to cut all our throates. He 
would say no more, but desired that he might be cut in 

The next day, to wit, the eight and twentieth of 
December, we went to a little Hand to the Leeward off 
us. And when we were about five miles from the Land, 
the Generall commanded his people to hang this Japonian : 
but he brake the Rope, and fell into the Sea. I cannot 



Captaine John 
Davis slaine. 

Three or foure 
Leaders killed. 

One and 
Jafoans slain 
with demicul- 
vering shot. 



tell whether he swamme to the land or not. We tooke our 
course right to the little fore-said Hand, and came there 
to an Anchor the thirtieth of December. We remained 
there three dayes to mend our Boat, and to take in wood 
and water. In this Hand we found a ship of Patane, out 
of which we tooke the Captaine, and asked him, whether 
the ships of China were come to Patane, or no? He 
told us that they were not yet come, but that they would 
come thither within few dayes. We made the Captaine of 
that ship to be our Pilot, because he knew very well to 
what place the Chinish ships would come. 

The tenth of January we purposed to stay their, till it 
pleased God, that we should meete the Chinish ships. 

The twelfth of Januarie, one of our Mates climbed up 

to the top of the Mast, and descryed two ships which came 

toward us : but because of the wind they were forced to 

goe to the Leeward of the Hand. Assoone as we had 

sight of them wee weighed Anchor, and made toward 

them. And we fetched up the greatest of them the 

twelfth of Januarie in the night. We fought a little with 

them, and boorded them, and brought them to an Anchor. 

The next day, to wit, the thirtieth of Januarie we 

unladed some of their goods, to wit, raw Silke and other 

Silkes. They had fiftie Tunnes of Silver of their Coun- 

trey : but we tooke little or none of it ; because we had 

good hope, that we should meete with the other Chinish 

ships. After we had taken some of their Silkes, we let 

them depart the fifteenth of January : and gave them twice 

The'j returne ^g much, as wee had taken from them. And casting them 

B'"t m " "^' ^^^ tooke our course backe againe to China Bata : but 

we could not fetch it up, because we had contrarie wind; 

Two small g^ ^^i^ ^g were forced to put Lee-ward unto two small 

Pulo Sumatra I^^^^s, which they of Java call Pulo Sumatra : where we 

came to an Anchor the two and twentieth of Januarie. 

The foure and twentieth day, as we rode at Anchor there 
arose a great storme of wind, with which our Cable brake, 
so that we were forced to put into the neerest Creeke. 
February. The second of February, five Holland ships met with 




February the 

US sayling homeward, which put into the same Roade 
where wee were. Captaine Warwicke was Generall of 
these ships. Hee sent to our Generall to dine with him. 
Our Generall went to him. He told us that our English 
Merchants in Bantam were in great perill, and that still 
they looked for nothing else, then that the King of Java 
would assault them, because we had taken the China ship, 
whereby the King of Bantam had lost his custome. 
Wherefore Captaine Warwicke requested our Generall, 
that hee would cease to goe any further, and would sayle 
home unto England with him. Our Generall answered. 
That hee had not as yet made his Voyage, and that there- 
fore hee would not returne, untill it should please God 
to send him somewhat to make up the Game. The Hol- 
landers perceiving that they could not perswade our 
General to give over his purpose, departed from us the 
third of Februarie. 

Our Generall considering, that if he should proceed on 
his Voyage, it would be very dangerous for the English [I- "i- i39-] 
Merchants which were resident in those parts, and seeing 
that hee had but two Anchors and two Cables to helpe 
himselfe withall, thought good to repaire his ships, and 
to returne home with that poore Voyage that he had 

When our ships were readie, and that we had taken in 
wood and water, wee hoysed up our sayles the fift of 
February to returne for England. 

The seventh of Aprill we had sight of the Cape of Bona 
Esperanza, after wee had passed a great storme. 

The seventeenth of Aprill we came to the He of Sancta SanctaHelena. 
Helena, where we watered, and found refreshment, as 
Wine and Goates, which we our selves killed. In the 
said Hand are many wilde Swine and Goates. There are 
also great store of Partridges, Turkie Cockes, and Ginnie 
Hennes, This Hand is not inhabited. We departed 
from thence the third of May. 

The fourteenth, we passed under the Equinoctiall 


They returne 

April 7, 


They arrived 
in Milford 
Haven in 
They came to 

The names of 
the Adven- 


The seven and twentieth of June, we arrived in Milford 
Haven in Wales. 

The ninth of July, we came to an Anchor in Portsmouth 
Roade, where all our Companie were dismissed. And 
heere wee ended our Voyage, having beene out upon the 
same full nineteene moneths, in the yeare 1606. 

Chap. II. 

A Priviledge for fifteene yeeres granted by her 
Majestic to certaine Adventurers, for the dis- 
coverie of the Trade for the East-Indies, the 
one and thirtieth of December, 1600. 

Lizabeth, by the grace of God Queene of 
England, France and Ireland, Defendour 
of the Faith, &c. To all Our Officers, 
Ministers and Subjects, and to all other 
people aswell within this Our Realme of 
England, as elsewhere under Our obedi- 
ence and Jurisdiction, or otherwise, unto 
whom these Our Letters Pattents shall bee seene, shewed, 
or read, greeting. 

Whereas Our most deare, and loving Cosin, George 
Earle of Cumberland ; and Our welbeloved Subjects, Sir 
John Hart of London, Knight, Sir John Spencer of 
London, Knight, Sir Edward Michelburne, Knight, 
William Candish, Esquire, Paul Banning, Robert Lee, 
Leonard HoUyday, John Watts, John More, Edward 
Holmden, Robert Hampson, Thomas Smith, and Thomas 
Cambell, Citizens and Aldermen of London, Edward 
Barker, Esquire, Thomas Marsh, Esquire, Samuel Bac- 
house. Esquire, James Lancaster, Richard Staper, Thomas 
Cordell, William Garway, Oliver Style, William Quarles, 
Bartholmew Barnes, William Offly, Robert Chamberlayn, 
John Harvy, Richard Wiseman, William Stone, Francis 
Cherry, Thomas AUablaster, Richard Barret, John 
Swynerton the younger, Thomas Garaway, William 
Romny, James Deane, John Eldred, Andrew Banning, 




Edward Loaning, Thomas Jackson, Nicholas Leate, John 
Wolstenholme, Nicholas Peard, William Chamber, Row- 
land Bachouse, Humfrey Smith, Robert Sandy, Henry 
Robinson, Richard Poyntel, John Highlord, William 
Haryson, Humphry Style, Humphry Robynson, Nicholas 
Ferror, Thomas Farryngton, John Combe, Robert Offly, 
Roger How, John Hewet, James Turner, Morrys Abbot, 
James Carrell, Robert Brooke, Richard Chamblyn, George 
Chamblyn, Leonard White, John Cornelius, Ralph Basby, 
William Genyngs, Gyles Paslow, Robert Bell, Thomas 
White, Nicholas Lyng, William Palmer, EUys Crippes, 
John Merrycke, Humphry Hanford, Thomas Symons, 
Robert Cox, William Wustall, John Humphry, Thomas 
Bostocke, Bartholmew Holland, Richard Cox, William 
Walton, William Freeman, Thomas Southacke, John 
Friar, Francis Dent, Richard Bull, Richard Pierce, Roger 
Henyng, Robert Cobb, Robert Robynson, Francis Euing- 
ton, Francis Taylor, Thomas Westrow, John Midleton, 
Robert Gore, Ralph Gore, William Cater, George Cater, 
John Busbridge, Thomas Horton, William Bond Mer- 
chant-Taylor of London, William Cotton, John Stockley, 
Roger Owfield, Augustine Skinner, Richard Wise, Robert 
Towerson, Richard Taylbye, Robert Middleton, Robert 
Bateman, Richard Gosson, Robert Waldore, Richard 
Wrag, John Wrag, William Dale, Laurence Waldo, Henry 
Brydgman, Samuel Armytage, Edward Haryson, Edward 
Nicolson, Clement Mosely, John Newman, Humphry 
Wallot, Thomas Richardson, Thomas Boothby, John 
Coachman, Reinald Greene, Richard Burret, Robert Myld- 
may, William Hyne, George Chandeler, Edward Lutter- 
foord, William Burrell, Stephen Harvy, Thomas Henshaw, 
William Ferrys, William Aldersey, William Hewet, 
William Fisher, Joseph Salbancke, Nicholas Manly, 
Nicholas Salter, William WiUastone, William Angel, 
Nicholas Barnsly, John Hawkins, Roger Dy, Richard 
Clarke, Thomas Hewet, George Whitemore, Henry Pol- 
stee, William Greenwell, Robert Johnson, Bartholmew 
Huggott, Humphry Basse, Robert Buck, Ambrose 




George Utly Wheeler, William Hale, Richard Hull Junior, John 
disfranchized Hodgson, Alphonsus Foote, Edmund Spencer, Robert 
JuhT^iii. I^ewsy, Richard Piott, William Bonham, Edward Barke- 
ham, George Coles, Ralph Hammer, James Colymer, 
Samuel Hare, George Utlye, Gregory Allen, Henry Archer, 
[I. iii. 140.] Jeffry Kerby, John Cason, Richard Beale, Thomas Shipton, 
John Fletcher, Thomas Talbot, Robert Pennyngton, Hum- 
phry Milward, Richard Heme, Raph Allen, John Brooke, 
Anthony Gibson, Robert Kayes, Hugh Crompton, Richard 
Washer, George Holman, Morryce Luellen, Richard Par- 
sons, Francis Barker, William Turner, John Greenwood, 
Richard Denne, Richard Ironside, George Smithes, James 
Dunkyn, Edward Walter, Andrew Chamblayn, Robert 
Startford, Anthony Stratford, William Myllet, Simon 
Laurence, Thomas Lydall, Stephen Hodgson, Richard 
Wright, William Starker, William Smith, John Ellacots, 
Robert Bayly, and Roger Cotton, have of Our certaine 
knowledge beene Petitioners unto Us, for Our Royall 
Assent and Licence to bee granted unto them, that they 
at their owne adventures, costs and charges, as well for the 
honour of this Our Realme of England, as for the increase 
of Our Navigation, and advancement of trade of Mer- 
chandise within Our said Realmes, and the Dominions of 
the same might adventure, might set forth one, or more 
Voyages, with convenient number of Ship and Pynnasses, 
by way of traffique and merchandise to the East-Indians, 
in the Country and parts of Asia and AfFrica, and to as 
many of the Ilands, and Cities, Townes, and places there- 
about, as where trade, and traffique of merchandise may 
by all likelyhood be established or had : Divers of which 
Countries, and many of the Ilands, Cities and Ports there- 
of, have long sithence beene discovered by others of Our 
Subjects, albeit not frequented in trade of Merchandise. 
Know yee therefore, that Wee greatly tendring the honour 
of Our Nation, the wealth of Our people, and the encour- 
agement of them, and others of Our loving Subjects in 
their good enterprises, for the increase of Our Navigation, 
and the advancement of lawflill traffique, to the benefit of 




Our Commonwealth, have of Our speciall Grace, certaine 
knowledge, and meere motion, given and granted, and ^ So'iy 
by these Presents, for Us, Our Heires, and Successours, 'plef^ll^ftjie 
doe give, and grant unto Our said loving Subjects, before Corporation. 
in these Presents expresly named. That they, and everie 
of them from henceforth bee, and shall bee one bodie 
corporate and politique indeed, and in name, by the name 
of the Governour, and Company of Merchants of London, 
trading into the East-Indies, one bodie corporate and 
politique indeed, and in name really and fully for Us, 
Our Heires and Successours. Wee doe erect, make, 
ordaine, constitute, establish, and declare by these Presents, 
and that by the same name of Governour, and Company 
of Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, 
they shall have succession, and that they, and their Succes- 
sours, by the name of Governour and Company, trading 
into the East-Indies, be, and shall be at all times hereafter, 
persons, able and capable in Law, and a bodie corporate 
and politique, and capable in Law, to have, purchase, 
receive, possesse, enjoy, and retaine lands, tenements, 
priviledges, liberties, jurisdictions, franchises, and heredita- 
ments, of whatsoever kind, nature, and qualitie soever 
they be, to them and their successours. And also to give, 
grant, demise, aliene, assigne, and dispose all and singular 
other things, lands, tenements, and hereditaments, by the 
same name, that to them shall, or may pertaine to doe. 
And that they and their successours, by the name of the 
Governour, and Company of Merchants of London, trad- 
ing into the East-Indies, may plead, and be impleaded, 
answer, and be answered, defend, and bee defended in 
whatsoever Courts, and places, and before whatsoever 
Judges and Justices, and other persons and Officers, in 
all and singular Actions, Pleas, Suits, Quarrels, Causes, and 
Demands whatsoever, of whatsoever kind, nature, or sort, 
in such manner and forme, as other Our liege people of 
this Our Realme of England, being persons able and 
capable ; may, or can have, purchase, receive, possesse, 
enjoy, retaine, give, grant, demyse, aliene, assigne, dispose, 
iJ 369 2 A 



plead, and be impleaded, answer, and be answered, defend, 
and bee defended, release, and bee released, doe permit 
and execute. And that the said Governour, and Company 
of Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, and 
A Common their suecessours, may have a Common Seale, to serve for 
'"' '' all the Causes and Businesse of them, and their suecessours. 

And that it shall and may bee lawfuU, to the said 
Governour and Company, and their suecessours, the same 
Seale, from time to time, at their will and pleasure to 
breake, change, and to make new, or alter, as to them 
shall seeme expedient. And further, Wee will, and by 
these Presents for Us, Our Heires, and Suecessours, Wee 
doe ordaine, that there shall bee from henceforth, one of 
the same Company to bee elected and appointed in such 
forme and manner, as heereafter in these Presents is 
expressed ; which shall be called the Governour of the 
said Company, and that there shall bee from henceforth, 
foure and twentie of the said Company, to^ bee elected and 
appointed in such forme, as heereafter in these Presents 
is expressed, which shall bee called the Committies of the 
said Company, who together with the Governour of the 
said Company, for the time-being, shall have the direction 
of the Voyages, of, or for the said CompaJiy, and the 
provision of the shipping and merchandises thereto- belong- 
ing, and also the sale of all merchandises, of, or for the 
said Company, and the managing and handling of all other 
things belonging to the said Company : And for the better 
execution of this Our Will, and Grant in this behalfe ; 
Wee have assigned, nominated, constituted, and made, 
and by these Presents, for Us, Our Heires, and Sueces- 
sours, wee doe assigne, nominate, constitute, and make 
Thomas Smytk the said Thomas Smith, Aderman of London, to bee the 
Alderman the gj.g^^ ^^^ present Governour of the said Company, to 
nour. ' continue in the said Office, from the date of these Presents, 
until! another of the said Company, in due manner, be 
chosen and sworne unto the said Office, according to the 
ordinances and provisions, heereafter in these Presents 
expressed, and declared, if the said Thomas Smith shall 




so long live. And also Wee have assigned, nominated, 
and appointed, and by these Presents for Us, Our Heires, 
and Successours, Wee doe assigne, nominate, constitute, T^he first 
and make the same Paul Banyng, Leonard Holyday, John 2XS?^ 
More, Edward Holmden, Richard Staper, Thomas Cor- the affaires, 
dell, William Garway, Oliver Style, James Lancaster, the Company 
Richard Wiseman, Francis Cherry, Thomas AUablaster, ^«»,? 24- 
William Romney, Roger How, William Chambers, Robert 
Sandy, John Eldred, Richard Wiche, John Highlord, John [I- "i- 141 •] 
Middleton, John Combe, William Haryson, Nicholas 
Lyng, and Robert Bell, to bee the foure and twentie first 
and present Committies of the said Company, to continue 
In the said Office of Committies of the said Company, 
from the date of these Presents, for one whole yeere next 
following. And further. Wee Will and Grant by these 
Presents, for Us, Our Heires, and Successours, unto the 
said Governour, and Company of Merchants of London, 
trading into the East-Indies, and their successours, that it 
shall and may bee lawfull, to, and for the said Governour 
and Company, for the time being, or the more part of 
them present, at any publique Assembly, commonly called, 
The Court holden for the said Company, the Governour 
of the said Company, being alwayes one from time to 
time, to elect, nominate, and appoint, one of the said 
Company to be Deputie to the said Governour ; which ^ D^/'uty to 
Deputie shall take a corporall Oath before the Governour, 
and five or more of the Committies of the said Company 
for the time being, well, faithfully, and truely, to execute 
his said Office of Deputie, to the Governour of the Com- 
pany ; and after his Oath so taken, shall and may from 
time to time, in the absence of the said Governour, exercise 
and execute the Office of Governour of the said Company, 
in such sort as the Governour ought to doe. And further, 
Wee will, and grant by these Presents, for Us, Our Heires, 
Executors, and Successours, unto us the said Governour 
and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the 
East-Indies, and their successours, that they, or the greater 
part of them, whereof the Governour for the time being, 



The first day 
of July, or 
after the 

election of the 

Eveiy Brother 
to take a cor- 
porall Oath. 


or his Deputie to bee one, and from time to time, and all 
times hereafter, shall, and may have authoritie, and power 
yeerely, and every yeere, on the first day of July, or at any 
time, within sixe dayes after that day, to assemble, and 
meet together in some convenient place, to bee appointed 
from time to time by the Governour, or in his absence, by 
the Deputie of the said Governour, for the time being. 
And that they, being so assembled, it shall and may bee 
lawfiall, to, and for the said Governour, or Deputie of the 
said Governour, and the said Company for the time being, 
or the greater part of them which then shall happen to be 
present, whereof the Governour of the said Companie, or 
his Deputie for the time being to be one, to elect and 
nominate one of the said Company, which shall be 
Governour of the same Company for one whole yeare 
from thence next following, which person being so elected, 
and nominated to bee Governour of the said Company, as 
is aforesaid, before he be admitted to the execution of 
the said Office, shall take a corporall Oath before the last 
Governour being his Predecessor, or his Deputie, or any 
sixe or more of the Committies of the said Company for 
the time being, that hee shall from time to time, well and 
truly execute the office of Governour of the said Company, 
in all things concerning the same, and that immediately 
after the said Oath so taken, he shall and miay execute 
and use the said Office of Governor of the said Companie, 
for one whole yeare from thence next following. And in 
like sort we will and grant, that as well every one above 
named to be of the said Company or Fellowship, as all 
others hereafter to be admitted, or free of the said Com- 
pany, shall take a corporall Oath before the Governour of 
this said Company, or his Deputie for the time being, to 
such effect as by the said Governour or Company, or the 
more part of them. In any publique Court to be held for 
the said Company, shall bee in reasonable manner set 
downe and devised, before they shall be allowed, or 
admitted to trade or traffique as a Free-man of the said 
Company. And further we will and grant by these Pre- 



sents, for Us, Our Heires and Successors, unto the said 
Governour and Company of Merchants of London, 
trading into the East-Indies, and their Successors, that 
the said Governor or the Deputie of the said Governour, 
and the Company and their Successors for the time being, 
or the greatest part of them, whereof the Governor, or the 
Deputie of the Governor from time to time to be one, 
shall and may from time to time and at all times 
hereafter, have authoritie and power yearly, and every 
yeare on the first day of July, or at any time within 
six dayes after that day, to assemble, meet together 
in some convenient place to be from time to time 
appointed by the said Governor of the said Company, 
or in his absence by his Deputie. And that they being 
so assembled, it shall and may be lawfiill, to, and for 
the said Governour, or his Deputie, and the Company 
for the time being, or the greater part of them, which 
then shall happen to bee present, whereof the Governour 
of the said Company, or his Deputie for the time being 
to be one, to elect, and nominate twentie foure of the said 
Company, which shall be Committies of the said Company 
for one whole yeare from thence next ensuing, which 
persons being so elected, and nominated to be Committies 
of the said Company as aforesaid, before they bee admitted 
to the execution of their said Offices, shall take a Corporall 
Oath before the Governour or his Deputie, and sixe or 
more of the said Committies of the said Company, being 
their last Predecessours for the time being, that they and 
every of them, shall well and faithfully performe their 
said Offices of Committies, in all things concerning the 
same. And that immediately after the said Oath so taken, 
they shall and may execute, and use the said Offices of 
Committies of the said Company for one whole yeare from 
thence next following. And moreover, our will and 
pleasure is, and by these Presents, for Us, Our Heires and 
Successors, we doe grant unto the said Governour and 
Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East- 
Indies, and to their Successors, that when, and as often it 



The Joure and 
twentie Com- 
mitties to bee 
yearly elected, 
on the first of 
July, or sixe 
dayes after. 

The Commit- 
ties shall take a 
corporal Oath. 



shall happen to the Governour of the said Company for 
the time, at any time within one yeare, after hee shall bee 
nominated, elected and sworne to the Office of the 
If the Gover- Governour of the said Company, as is afore-said, to dye, 
^removed "a ^ °^ ^° ^^^ remooved from the said Office, which Governour 
new to be tiot demeaning himselfe well in his said Office, Wee will 
chosen. to bee remooveable at the pleasure of the said Company, 

or the greater part of them, which shall bee present at 
any their publike Assemblies, commonly called their 
generall Court, holden for the said Company, that then, 
and so often it shall and may be lawfuU to and for the 
residue of the said Company, for the time being, or the 
greater part of them, within convenient time after the 
[I. iii. 14Z.J death, or remooving any such Governour, to assemble 
themselves in such convenient place, as they shall thinke 
fit for the election of the Governour of the said Company ; 
or that the said Company, or the greater part of them 
being then and there present, shall and may then and there 
before their departure from the said place elect, and 
nominate one other of the said Company to be Governor 
of the said Company in the place or steed of him, that so 
dyed, or was so removed, which person being so elected, 
and nominated to the Office of Governor of the said 
Company, shall have and exercise the said Office for, and 
during the residue of the said yeare, taking first a corporall 
Oath, as is afore-said, for the due execution thereof, and 
this to be done from time to time so often as the case shall 
so require. And also Our will and pleasure is, and by 
these presents for Us, Our Heires, and Successors Wee 
doe grant unto the said Governour and Company of Mer- 
chants of London trading into the East-Indies, and to their 
Successors, that when, and as often as it shall happen any 
of the Committies of the said Company for the time being 
at any time within one yeare next after, that they or any 
of them shall bee nominated, elected and sworne to the 
Office of Committies of the said Company, as is aforesaid, 
to dye, or be removed from the said Office, which Com- 
mitties not demeaning themselves well in their said Office, 



Wee will to bee removeable at the pleasure of the said 
Governour, and Company, or the greater part of them, 
whereof the Governour for the time being, or his Deputie 
to be one, within convenient time after the death, or 
removing of any of the said Committies, to assemble 
themselves in such convenient place, as is or shall bee 
usuaU and accustomed for the election of the Governour of 
the said Company, or where else for the Governour of the 
said Company, for the time being, or his Deputie to be 
one, being then and there present, shall and may then 
and there, before there departure from the said place, elect 
and nominate one, or more of the said Company to be 
Committies of the said Company in the places and steeds, 
place or steed of him or them, that so died, or were, or was 
so remooved, which person, or persons so elected, and 
nominated to the Office, or Offices of Committie, or Com- 
mitties of the said Company, shall have and exercise the 
said Office and Offices, for, and during the residue of the 
said yeere, taking first a Corporall Oath, as is aforesaid, 
for the due execution thereof, and this to be done from 
time to time so often, as the cause shall require. And 
further. Wee doe by these Presents for Us, Our Heires 
and SuGcessours, will, and grant unto the said Governour, 
and Company of Merchants of London trading into the 
East-Indies, and their successours, that they, and all that 
are, or shall be of the said Company of Merchants of 
London trading into the East-Indies, and everie of them, 
and all the sonnes of them, and everie of them at their 
severall ages of one and twentie yeeres, or upwards : And 
further, all such the Apprentises, Factors, or servants of 
them, and everie of them, which hereafter shall be implayed 
by the said Governour and Company, in the said Trade 
of Merchandise, of, or to the East-Indies, beyond the seas, 
or any other the places aforesaid, in any part of the said 
East-Indies, shall and may by the space of fifteene yeeres, 
from the Feast of the Birth of our Lord God last past, 
before the date hereof, freely traffique and use the Trade 
of Merchandise by sea, in, and by such wayes and passages 



If any of the 
new to be 

Freedome for 
the Sonnes y 
Apprentises of 
such, as are 
free of the 



1 600. 

The Places of alreadie found out, or discovered, or which heereafter_shall 
'^f y'^'i'^""" bee found out, and discovered, as they shall esteeme, and 
"i^n" °'"' t^^^ t° b^^ fittest into, and from the East-Indies into the 
Countries, and parts of Asia and Africa, and into and from 
all the Hands, Ports, Havens, Cities, Creakes, Townes and 
places of Asia, Africa, and America, or any of them beyond 
the Cape of Bona Sperancia, to the straights of Magellan, 
where any Trade or Traffique of Merchandise may bee 
used, or had, to, and from everie of them, in such order, 
manner, forme, libertie and condition to all intents,, and 
purposes, as shall bee from time to time at any publique 
Assembly, or Court held by, or for the said Governour or 
Company, by or betweene them, of them of the said 
Company, or Fellowship of Merchants of London, trading 
into the East-Indies, or the more part of them for the 
time, being present at such Assembly or Court, the 
Governour, or his Deputie being alwaies present at such 
Court or Assembly limitted, and agreed : And not other- 
wise, without any molestation, impeachment, or disturb- 
ance : any statute, usage, diversitie, religion, or faith, or 
any other cause, or matter whatsoever to the contrarie 
notwithstanding : so alwaies that the same Trade bee not 
undertaken, nor addressed to any Countrie, Hand, Port, 
Haven, Citie, Creake, Towne, or place alreadie in the 
lawfuU, and actuall possession of any such Christian Prince 
or State, as at this present is, or at any time heereafter shall 
bee in league or amitie with Us, Our Heires or Succes- 
sours, and who doth not, or will not accept of such Trade, 
but doth overtly declare and publish the same, to bee 
utterly against his or their good will and liking. And 
flirther. Our will and pleasure is, and by these Presents 
for Us, Our Heires, and Successours, Wee doe grant unto 
the said Governour, and Company of Merchants of 
London, trading into the East-Indies, and to their 
successours, that it shall and may bee lawfuU, to and for 
the said Governour, and Company, and their successours 
from time to time, to assemble themselves for, or about 
any the matters, causes, affaires, or businesse of the said 


,.' -If' [-'ciicuimNrS J-'i 
diuT frciiL In.: Sil 
0/ J\ii I'-ii''. (jnti c riiOui_ 




' I L'mp.ins 


\'; Ire/ill 

<-)>mi'rb s\.nuint, Uiu' C mbiif. 
XA."" Y ,jrc,itEwptrour 
vJion..ina [diiu'us 
ti-ncinqc w y c d-A 
Fi^tui^ ci'ufSomc: 

v FoT ' / ir.-jni! 1 .Prc.->. 


Trade, in any place or places for the same Convenient, That the Com- 
during the said terme of fifteene yeeres within Our f''"^ 'fp. 
Dominions or elsewhere, and there to hold Court for the ^m convenient 
said Company, and the affaires thereof ; and that also it place. 
shall and may be lawfuU, to, and for them, or the more 
part of them, being so assembled, and that shall then and 
there be present in any such place or places, whereof the 
Governour, or his Deputie for the time being to be one, 
to make, ordaine, and constitute such and so many reason- Authority to 
able Lawes, Constitutions, Orders, and Ordinances, as to '^f'' J^'^^'^- 
them, or the greater part or them, being then and there the m-eatest 
present shal seeme necessary & convenient for the good partofagene- 
government of the same Companie, and of all Factors, rail assembly. 
Masters, Mariners, and other Officers imployed, or to be 
imployed in any of their Voyages, and for the better 
advancement and continuance of the said trade, and 
traffique, and the same Lawes, Constitutions, Orders, and 
Ordinances so made, to put in and execute accordingly, 
and at their pleasure to revoke, or alter the same, or any of 
them as occasion shall require, and that the said Governour, [I. iii. 143.] 
and Company, so often as they shall make, ordaine, or 
establish any such Lawes, Constitutions, Orders, and Ordi- 
nances in forme aforesaid, shall and may lawfully impose. To punish 
ordaine, limit, and provide such paines, punishments, "ff'"'^^'^/ 
penalties, by imprisonment of body, or by fines, or amerce- ^^ p^^^^^ ^^ it 
ments, or by all or any of them upon and against all bee not con- 
ofFenders, contrary to such Lawes, Constitutions, Orders, trary to the 
and Ordinances, or any of them, as to the said Governour, ^'^" "-^'^^ 
and Company for the time being, or the greater part of 
them, then and there being present, the said Governour, 
or his Deputy beeing alwayes one, shall seeme necessary, 
requisite, and convenient for the observation of the same 
Lawes, Constitutions, Orders, and Ordinances, and the 
same fines, and amercements shall and may leavie, take, 
and have to the use of the said Governour, and Companie, 
and their Successors without the impediment of Us, Our 
Heires, or Successors, or of any the Officers, or Ministers 
of Us, Our Heires, or Successors, or without accompt to 



1 600. 

Freedome of 
Custome of 
goods outwards 
for four e 


Us, Our Heyres, or Successors, to bee rendred or made. 
All and sundry which Lawes, Constitutions, Orders, and 
Ordinances, so as aforesaid to be made, We will to be duely 
observed, and kept under the paines and penalties therein 
to bee contained, so alwayes the said Lawes, Constitutions, 
Orders, Ordinances, Imprisonments, Fines, and Amerce- 
ments be reasonable, and not contrary or repugnant to the 
Lawes, Statutes, or Customes of this Our Realme. And 
for as much as the said Governour, and Company of Mer- 
chants of London trading into the East-Indies, have not 
yet experience of the kinds of Commodities and Merchan- 
dizes, which are or will bee vendible, or to be uttered in 
the said parts of the East-Indies, and therefore shall bee 
driven to carrie to those parts in their Voyages divers and 
sundry Commodities, which are likely to be returned 
againe into this Realme : We therefore oi Our especiall 
Grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion, for the 
better encouraging of the said Governour, and Company 
of Merchants trading into the East-Indies, and for the 
advancement of the said trade, doe grant unto the said 
Governour and Companie, and to their Successors, that 
they and their Successors during the foure first Voyages, 
which they shall make or set forth for or towards the said 
East-Indies, shall or may transport and carry out of Our 
Realme of England, and the Ports, Creekes, and Havens 
thereof, all such and so much goods and merchandizes, 
beeing goods and merchandizes lawfully passable, and 
transportable out of this Realme, and not prohibited to be 
transported by any Law, or Statute of this Realme, as shall 
be by them, their Factors, or Assignes, shipped in any 
Ship or Ships, Vessell or Vessels, to bee imployed in any 
of the said foure first Voyages, free of Custome, Subsidie 
or Poundage, or any other duties or payments to Us, or 
Our Successors due, or belonging for the shipping, or 
transporting of the same or any of them. And yet never- 
thelesse Our Will and Pleasure is, and We doe by these 
Presents straightly charge and command, that all and every 
such goods and merchandizes so to be transported out of 




this Realme, shall from time to time during the said foure 
first Voyages, as is aforesaid, shall from time to time be 
duely entred by the Customer, Comptroller, or other 
Officer of such Port, Creek, or Place, where the same 
goods, or merchandizes shall happen to be shipped, or 
laden, to be transported as aforesaid. And also of Our 
further especiall Grace, certaine knowledge and meere 
motion, We doe for Us, Our Heires, Successors, grant to 
and with the said Governour, and Company of Merchants 
of London, trading into the East-Indies, and their Suc- 
cessors, that when and as often at any time during the 
said terme, and space of fifteene yeeres, as any Custome, 
Pondage, Subsidie, or other Duties shall be due and pay- 
able unto Us, Our Heyres, or Successors, for any Goods, 
Wares, or Merchandizes whatsoever to bee returned out, 
or from any the Hands, Ports, Havens, Cities, Townes, or 
Places aforesaid unto the Port of London, or any of the 
Havens, Creekes, Members, or Places to the same Port 
•belonging, that the Customers, and all other Officers for 
the time being of Us, Our Heires, or Successors, for or 
concerning receipts of Custome, Poundage, Subsidies, or 
other Duties unto whom it shall appertaine, shall upon the 
request of the Governour, and Companie of the said 
Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, or 
any other their Agents, Factors, or Assignes, give unto the 
said Governour and Company, their Agents, Factors, or 
Assignes sixe Moneths time for the payment of the one ^^"^ and stxe 
halfe, and after those sixe Moneths ended, other sixe for payment of 
Moneths time for the payment of the other halfe of their custome and 
said Custome, Poundage, or other Subsidie, or Duties, snbsidie 
receiving good and sufficient bonds with surety to the use ''*'^'"''^- 
of Us, our Heires and Successors, for the true payment 
of the same accordingly, and upon the receipt of the said 
bonds with suretie from time to time, to give unto the said 
Governour and Companie of Merchants of London, trad- 
ing into the East-Indies for the time beeing, their Agents, 
Factors, or Assignes, their Cockets or other warrants to 
take out, and receive on land the same Goods, Wares, & 




Merchandises by vertue thereof, without any disturbance. 
And that also as often as at any time during the said terme 
of fifteene yeeres, any Goods, Wares, or Merchandises of 
the said Governour, and Company for the time beeing 
laden from Our Port of London, or any the Creekes, 
Members, or Places to the same Port belonging, to be 
If goods mis- transported to or towards any of the Ports, Hands, Havens, 
'thPvdMof ^^*^^^' Townes, or Places, aforesaid, shall happen to mis- 
Custome shall ^arie or be lost, before their safe arrivall or discharge in 
be allowed in the Ports, for and to the which the same shall be sent, that 
other goods then, and so often, and so much Custome, Poundage, 
h'ttd Subsidies, or other Duties, as they answered to Us for 

the same before their going forth of our said Ports, 
Havens, or Creekes, shall after due proofe made before 
the Treasurer of England for the time beeing of the said 
losse, and the just quan title thereof, bee by vertue hereof 
allowed by the said Governour and Company, their Agents, 
or Factors, by warrant of the said Treasurer, to the said 
Customers or Officers in the next goods, wares, or mer- 
chandises, that the said Governour and Company, or their 
successors, shall and may ship, for or towards those parts, 
according to the true rates of the Customes, Poundage, or 
[I. iii. 144.] Subsidies before payed for the goods, wares, or merchan- 
dises so lost, or miscarrying, or any part thereof. And 
for that the said Governour and Company of Merchants 
of London, trading into the East-Indies, are like to bring 
into this Our Realme a much greater quantitie of forreine 
commodities, from the parts of the said East-Indies, then 
can bee spent for the necessarie use of the same Our 
Realme, which of necessitie must bee transported into 
other Countries, and there vented : Wee for Us, Our 
Heires and Successours, of Our speciall Grace, certaine 
knowledge, and meere motion, doe grant to, and with the 
said Governour, and Company of Merchants of London, 
trading into the East-Indies, and their successours, that 
at all times, from time to time, during the space of 
thirteene moneths, next after the discharge of any the 
same forraine commodities so to be brought in, the Subsi- 



dies, Poundage, Customes, and other duties, for the same 
being first paied, or compounded for, as aforesaid, it shall 
be lawfuU for the said Governour and Company, and their 
successours, or any other the naturall Subjects of this Our 
Realme, which may, or shall buy the same of them, to 
transport the same in English Bottoms, freely out of this 
Realme, as well ungarbled, as garbled, without payment 
of any further Custome, Poundage, or any further Subsidy, 
to Us, Our Heires, or Successours for the same : whereof 
the Subsidy, Custome, Poundage, or other duties, shall 
bee so formerly payed or compounded for, as aforesaid, 
and so provided, and the said Customer, or other Officer 
or Officers, to whom in that behalfe it shall appertaine, for 
the time being, by vertue hereof, shall upon due and 
sufficient proofe thereof, made in the Custome House, 
of or belonging to the same Port of London, give them 
sufficient Cocket, or Certificate for the safe passing out 
thereof accordingly. And, to the end no deceit to be used 
herein to Us, Our Heires, or successours, Certificate shall 
bee brought from the Collector of the Custome, Subsidy, 
Poundage, or other duties inwards of Us, Our Heires, or 
Successours, to the Collectors of the Custome, Subsidie 
Poundage, or other duties outwards of Us, Our Heires, 
or successors to the said goods, wares, or merchandises, 
have within the time limited, answered their due Custome, 
Subsidy, Poundage, or other duties for the same inwards. 
And moreover, Wee of Our further especiall Grace, cer- 
taine knowledge, and meere motion have granted, and by 
these Presents for Us, Our Heires, and Successours, doe 
grant unto the said Governour and Company of Merchants 
of London, trading into the East-Indies, that it shall and 
may be lawfull for them, their Factors, or Assignes in their 
first Voyage or Fleet, which is now in preparing for their 
first adventure to the said East-Indies, to transport out 
of this Our Realme of England, all such forraine Coyne 
of Silver, either Spanish, or other forraine Silver, as they 
have procured, prepared, and gotten, or shall procure, 
prepare and get, as likewise all such other Coynes of Silver, 



The Custome 
of goods being 
payed at com- 
ming into the 
Realme, it 
shallbe lawfull 
for any 
naturall Sub- 
ject to ship it 
out againe, 
upon the first 
within thir- 
teen moneths. 

That it shall 
he lawfull in 
the first 
Voyage, to 
carry out in 
forrain Coyne 
procured by 
the Company, 
or Bullion, the 
value ofthirtie 
pound, so as 
sixe thousand 
thereof bee 
coyned in the 



as they have procured, or shall procure to bee coyned in 
Our Mynt, within Our Tower of London, out of such 
Plate or BuUyon, as it shall bee provided for the said 
Governour, and Company of Merchants of London, trad- 
ing into the East-Indies, their Factors, or Assignes, before 
the going foorth of the same Fleet in these • three first 
Voyages, so as the whole quantitie of Coyne or Monies, 
to bee transported in this their said first Voyage doe not 
exceed the value, or sum of thirtie thousand pound 
sterling. And so as the sum of six thousand pound, at 
the least parcell of the said sum of thirtie thousand pound, 
be first coyned in Our Mynt, within Our Tower of 
London before the same, shall bee transported as aforesaid:; 
any Law, Statute, Restraint, or Prohibition in that behalfe 
notwithstanding. And in like manner, of Our speciall 
Grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion, wee have 
granted, and by these Presents doe for Us, Our Heires 
and Successours, grant unto the said Governour, and Com- 
pany of Merchants of London, trading into the East- 
After the said Indies, and their Successours : That it shall and may bee 
II th'^''-^Y"f -^'^^^^5 *^0j ^^^ ^^^ *h^ s^id Governour and Company, and 
the Voyages, ^^^^^ Successours, after the said first Voyage set foorth 
they may carry yeerely, for, and during the residue of the said terme of 
out in everie fifteene yeares, to ship and transport out of this Our 
Voyage thirtie Rgalme of England, or Dominions of the same, in any 
pound of such their other Voyages, to, and towards any of the parts 
forrain Coyne,, aforesaid, in forme aforementioned, all such forraine Coyne 
as they bring of silver, Spanish, or other forraine Silver, or Bullion of 
mto the realm. Silver, as they shall during the said terme bring, or cause 
sand\hereofbe *° ^^^ brought into this Our Realme of England, from 
new coytied in the parts beyond the Seas, either in the same kind, sort, 
the Mynt. stampe, or fashion, which it shall have when they bring 
it in, or any other forme, stampe, or fashion to bee coyned 
within Our Mynt, within Our Tower of London, at their 
pleasure, so as the whole quantities of Coyne or Monies, 
by them to bee transported in any their said Voyages, 
during the residue of the said terme, doe not exceed the 
value or summe of thirtie thousand pound in any one 




Voyage, and so as the summe of sixe thousand pound at 
the least parcell of the said summe, or value of thirtie 
thousand pound, so to bee transported as aforesaidj bee 
first coyned within Our said Tower of London, before the 
same shall bee transported in any of the said Voyages, any 
Law, Statute, Restraint, or Prohibition in that behalfe in 
any wise notwithstanding. And further, wee of Our 
ample, and aboundant Grace, meere motion, and certaine 
knowledge, have granted, and by these Presents for Us, 
Our Heires and Successours, doe grant unto the said 
Governour, and Company of Merchants of London, trad- '^Mlf""^"'^" 
ing into the Eiast-Indies, and their Successours, that they traded acmd- 
and their Successours, and their Factors, Servants, or ing to the 
Assignes in the trade of merchandise for them, and on ordinances of 
their behalfe, and not otherwise, shall for the said terme the Compan'^, 
of fifteene yeeres have, use, and enjoy the whole entire, „t),gj.^i;g 
and only trade and traffique, and the whole entire and 
onely libertie, use, and priviledge of trading and traffick- 
ing, and using feate and trade of merchandise, to and from 
the said East-Indies, and to and from all the Hands, Ports, 
Havens, Cities, Townes, or Places aforesaid in such 
manner, and forme as is above mentioned, and that the 
said Governour, and Company of Merchants of London, 
trading into the East-Indies, and every particular and 
severall person that now is, or that hereafter shall be of 
that Company, or Incorporation, shall have full, and free 
authoritie, libertie and facultie, licence and power in forme [I. iii. 145.] 
aforesaid to trade and to traffique, to and from the said 
East Indies, and all and every the parts thereof, in forme 
aforesaid, according to the orders and manners, and agree- 
ment hereafter to be made, and agreed upon by the said 
Governour and Company of Merchants of London, trading 
into the East-Indies, and their successours, or the more 
part of them, present at any Court, or publique Assembly, 
of, or for the said Company, the Governour of the said 
Company, or his Deputie for the time being alwayes 
present at such Court or Assembly, and not otherwise. 
And for that the Shippes sayling into the said Indies^ 



That six Ships 
and six Pin- 
nosses, shall 
bee yerely per- 
mitted to goe 
into the East 
Indies, and 
five hundred 
Mariners, any 
restraint not- 
except the 
Navy Royall 
goe forth. 


must take their due and proper times, to proceed in these 
Voyages, which otherwise, as we well perceive cannot be 
performed in the rest of the yeere following : Therefore 
wee of Our speciall Grace, certaine knowledge, and meere 
motion, for Us, Our Heires and Successours, doe grant, 
to and with the said Governour and Company of Mer- 
chants of London, trading into the East-Indies, and their 
Successours, that in any time of restraint sixe good Ships, 
and sixe good Pynnaces well furnished with Ordnance, and 
other munition for their defence, and five hundred 
Mariners, English-men, to guide and sayle in the same 
sixe Ships and sixe Pynnaces at all times, during the said 
terme of fifteene yeeres, shall quietly be permitted, and 
suffered to depart and goe in the said Voyages, according 
to the purport of these presents, without any stay or 
contradiction by Us, Our Heires, or Successors, or by the 
Lord High Admirall, or any other Officer or Subject, of 
Us, Our Heires or Successors for the time being, in any 
wise, any restraint, law, statute, usage, or matter whatso- 
ever to the contrary notwithstanding. Provided never- 
thelesse, that if Wee shall at any time within the said 
terme of fifteene yeeres, have just cause to arme Our Navy 
in warlike manner, in defence of Our Realme, or for 
offence of Our enemies, or that it shall be found needfull 
to joyne to the Navy, of Us, Our Heires or Successors, 
the Ships of Our Subjects, to be also armed for the warres 
to such a number as cannot be supplied, if the said sixe 
Ships, and sixe Pynnaces should bee permitted to depart, 
as above is mentioned, then upon knowledge given to Us, 
Our Heires or Successors, or by any Admirall, to the said 
Governor and Company, about the twentieth day of the 
month of July, or three moneths before the said Governor 
and Company, shall begin to make readie the same sixe 
Ships and sixe Pynnaces, that wee may not spare the said 
sixe Ships and sixe Pynnaces, and the Mariners requisite 
for them to bee out of Our Realme, during the time that 
Our Navie shall be upon the Seas ; That then the said 
Governour and Company, shall forbeare to send sixe such 




Ships, and sixe Pynnaces for their trade of Merchandise, 
untill that we shall revoke, or withdraw Our said 
Navie for this service. And Wee of Our further 
Royall favour, and of Our especiall Grace, certaine 
knowledge, and meere motion have granted, and by 
these presents, for Us, Our Heires and Successors, 
doe grant unto the said Governor and Company of 
Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, 
and to their Successors, that the said East-Indies, nor -^ prMbition 
the Hands, Havens, Ports, Cities, Townes or Places *°^jjj, ^'^^ 
thereof, nor of any part thereof, shall not be visited, jj-ee of this 
frequented or haunted by any of the Subjects of Us, Our Company, for 
Heires, or Successors, during the said terme of fifteene trading into 
yeares, contrary to the true meaning of these Presents. * °''^''^'' ,, 
And by vertue of Our prerogative Royall, which Wee will paines, with- 
not in that behalfe have argued, or brought in question ; out the licence 
Wee straightly charge, command, and prohibite for Us, and assent of 
Our Heires and Successors, of what degree or qualitie Company. 
soever they be, that none of them, directly, or indirectly, 
doe visite, haunt, frequent, trade, trafique, or adventure by 
way of merchandise, into, or from any of the said East- 
Indies, or into & from any of the Hands, Ports, Havens, 
Cities, Townes, or Places aforesaid, other then the said 
Governor, or Company of Merchants of London, trading 
into the East-Indies, and such particular persons, as now 
be, or hereafter shall be of that Company, their Agents, 
Factors, and Assignes, during the said terme of fifteene 
yeeres, unlesse it be by, and with such licence and agree- 
ment of the said Governour and Company of Merchants 
of London, trading into the East-Indies, in writing first 
had, and obtained under their common Scale to bee 
granted, upon paine that everie such person or persons, 
that shall trade or traffique into, or from any of the said 
East-Indies, other then the said Governour, or Companie 
of Merchants of London trading into the East-Indies, and 
their Successors, shall incurre Our indignation and for- Forfeiture of 
feiture, and losse of the goods, merchandise, and other i"" '^ ' *P'- 
things whatsoever, which so shall be brought into this 
11 385 a E 


The division 
of the forfei- 


Entring into 
bond of a 

How the 
Company may 
grant licence 
to others, at 
what time. 

[I. iii. 146.] 


Realme of England, or any the Dominions of the same, 
contrarie to Our said prohibition, or the purport or true 
meaning of these Presents, as also the Ship and Ships, 
with the furniture thereof, wherein such goods, merchan- 
dises, or things shall be brought, the halre of all the said 
forfeitures to bee to Us, Our Heires and Successours, 
and the other halfe of all, and every the said forfeitures, 
Wee doe by these Presents of Our especiall Grace, certaine 
knowledge, and meere motion, cleerely and wholly for Us, 
Our Heires and Successors, give and grant unto the said 
Governour and Company of Marchants of London, trading 
into the East-Indies : And further, all and everie the said 
OfFendors, for their said contempt, to suffer imprisonment 
during Our pleasure, and such other punishment, as to 
Us, Our Heires or Successours, for so high a contempt 
shall seeme meete and convenient, and not to be in any 
wise delivered, untill they, and every of them, shall 
become bound unto the said Governour, for the time 
being, in the summe of a thousand pound at least, at no 
time there after, during this present Grant, to sayle or 
traffique into any of the said East-Indies, contrary to Our 
expresse commandement, in that behalfe herein set downe 
and published. And further, for the better encouragement 
of Merchant strangers, and others, to bring in commodities 
into this Our Realme, Wee for Us, Our Heires and 
Successours, doe grant unto the said Governour and 
Company of Merchants of London, trading in to the 
East-Indies, that they and their successours may from time 
to time, for any consideration or benefit to be taken to their 
owne use, grant or give licence to any person or persons, 
to sayle, trade, or traffique, into, or from any of the said 
East-Indies, so as such licence be granted or given before 
such goods, wares, and merchandizes bee laid on land, 
and so as such licence bee made by the said Governour 
and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the 
East-Indies for the time being, under their Common Seale. 
And further of Our special! Grace, certaine knowledge, 
and meere motion, we have condiscended and granted, and 



by these presents for Us, Our Heires and Successors, we 
doe condiscend and grant, unto the said Governour and 
Company of Marchants of London, trading into the East- 
Indies, and their Successors, that We Our Heires and 
Successors, during the said terme of fifteene yeares, will 
not grant libertie, licence, or power to any person or 
persons whatsoever, contrary to the tenovir of these our 
Letters Patents, to sayle, passe, trade, or trafEque to the 
said East-Indies, or into, or from the Hands, Ports, 
Havens, Cities, Townes or places aforesaid, or any of 
them, contrary to the true meaning of these presents, 
without the consent of the said Governour and Companie 
of Marchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, or 
the most part of them. And Our will and pleasure is, 
and hereby wee doe also ordaine, that it shall and may be 
lawfuU, to and for the said Governour and Company of 
Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, or 
the more part of them, whereof the Governour for the 
time being, or his Deputie to be one, to admit into, and 
to be of the said Company, all such Apprentizes to any 
of the said Fellowship or Company, and all such Servants 
and Factors, of or for the said Company, and all such 
others as to them, or the most part of them present, at any 
Court held for the said Company, the Governour, or his 
Deputie being one, shall be thought fit and agreeable with 
the Orders and Ordinances, to be made for the Govern- 
ment of the said Company, Provided alwayes, that if any 
of the persons before named, & appointed by these Pre- 
sents to be free of the said Company of Merchants of 
London, trading into the East-Indies, shall not before the 
going forth of the Fleet, appointed for this first Voyage 
From the Port of London, bring in, and deliver to the 
Treasurer or Treasurers appointed, or which within the 
space of twentie dayes next after the date hereof, shall be 
appointed by the said Governour and Company, or the 
more part of them, to receive the Contributions and 
Adventures, set downe by the severall Adventures, in this 
last and present Voyage, now in hand to be set forth, such 




That her 
Majestie will 
not grant to 
any others to 
enter into these 
farts, during 
the terme of 
15. yeares. 

That the 
Company may 
admit others at 
their pleasure 
into this 

Proviso, that if 
any named in 
the Patent doe 
not bring in 
his promised 
adventure set 
dovine, it shall 
be lawfull for 
the Company 
to disfranchise 



The Company 
doe promise to 
bring in after 
every Voyage 
within six 
moneths as 
great a quan- 
titie of silver, 
gold, orfor- 
raine Coyne, 
as they shall 
Carrie out, the 
first Voyage 


of money as have beene by any of the said 
persons, by these Presents nominated to be of the said 
Company, expressed, set downe, and written in a Booke 
appointed for that purpose, and left in the hands of the 
said Thomas Smith, Governour of the said Company, or 
of the said Paul Bannyng, Alderman of London, and 
subscribed with the names of the same Adventurers, under 
their hands, and agreed upon to bee adventured in the said 
first Voyage, that then it shall be lawfiill for the said 
Governour and Company, or the more part of them, 
whereof the said Governour or his Deputie to be one, 
at any their generall Court, or generall Assembly, to 
remove, disfranchize, and displace him or them at their 
wils and pleasures. And the said Governour and Company 
of Merclmnts of London, trading into the East-Indies for 
them and their Successours, doe by these Presents 
covenant, promise, and grant to and with us. Our Heires 
and Successors, that they the said Governour and Com- 
pany, and their Successors : In all and every such Voyage, 
as they at any time, or times hereafter during the said 
terme, shall make out of this Realme, by vertue of this 
Our Grant and Letters Pattents, the first Voyage only 
excepted, shall and will upon every returne, which shall 
be made backe againe into this Realme, or any of our 
Dominions, or within six Moneths next after every such 
returne, bring into this our Realme of England, from the 
said East-Indies, or from some other parts beyond the 
Seas, out of our Dominions, as great or greater value in 
BuUyon of Gold or Silver, or other forraine Coyne of 
Gold or Silver, respectively for every Voyage, the first 
Voyage only excepted, as shall be by force of these Pre- 
sents, transported or carried out of this Realme, by them, 
or any of them in any kind of Silver above-said, whatso- 
ever in any of the said Voyages, and that all such Silver, 
as by vertue of this our Grant and Letters Pattents, shall 
bee shipped or laden, by the said Governour and Company, 
or their Successors, to be transported out of this Realme 
in any of the said Voyages, shall from time to time at the 




setting forth of every such particular Voyages be shipped ^^^ "^^^'' "' 
or laden at the Ports or Havens of London, Dartmouth, fJi^''^'^^^ 
or Plimmouth, or at some of the same Ports & Havens, Company shall 
and at no other Port or Haven whatsoever within this bee shipped at 
our Realme, or the Dominions thereof, and that all ike Ports of 
and every such Silver, as from time to time, shall be ^'"^^^^0^'- 
shipped and laden in the said Ports of London, Dartmouth pn^^^uth. 
and Plimmouth, or any of them to bee by force of these 
Presents transported out of this Realme, as is aforesaid, 
shall from time to time, be duly entred by the Customer, 
Comptroller, Collector, or other Officer, to whom it shall 
appertaine of every such Port or Haven, where the same 
shall happen to bee shipped or laden, in the Custome Booke 
belonging to the said Port or Haven, before such time as 
the same shall be shipped or laden to be transported as 
aforesaid without any Custome or Subsidie to bee paid for 
the same. And that in like manner, all, and all manner of 
Gold and Silver whatsoever, which shall be brought into 
this Realme, or any of our Dominions, by the said 
Governour and Company, or any of them, according to 
the true meaning of these Presents, shall likewise bee from 
time to time, duly entred by the Customer, Comptroller, 
or other Officer of every siich Port, Creeke or Place, where 
the same Gold or Silver shall happen to be unshipped, or 
brought to Land, before such time as the same Gold or 
Silver, or any part thereof shall be unshipped, or brought 
to Land, as is aforesaid. Provided alwayes, neverthelesse, 
and Our will and pleasure is, that these Our Letters 
Pattents, or any thing therein contayned, shall not in any [i. in. 147.] 
sort extend, to give or grant any licence, power, or The Prhi- 
authoritie, unto the said Governour and Company of le<ige 'hall fot 
Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, or to '^S'pil^l" 
any of them, to undertake or addresse any Trade unto i,emg in the 
any Countrey, Port, Hand, Haven, Citie, Creeke, Towne actuall pos- 
or Place, being alreadie in the lawfuU and actuall posses- '^"1°" "/"^S 
sion, of any such Christian Prince or State, as at this "^" *^ 
present is, or at any time hereafter shall bee in league, ^^^/^-^ 5^;,^ 
or amitie with us, Our Heires and Successors, and which her Majestic. 




doth not, or will not except of such trade, but doth 
overtly declare and publish the same to be utterly against 
his, or their good will and liking any thing in Present 
before contayned, to the contrary thereof notwithstanding. 
Provided also, that if it shall hereafter appeare to Us, 
Our Heires or Successors, that this Grant, or the continu- 
ance thereof, shall not be profitable to Us, Our Heires and 
Successors, and to this Our Realme, that then, and from 
thence-forth uppon and after two yeares warning to be 
given to the said Company, by Us, Our Heires or Succes- 
sors, under Our or their Privie Scale, or Signe Manuallj 
this present Grant shall cease, bee voyd, and determined 
to all intents, constructions, and purposes. And further 
of Our speciall Grace, certaine knowledge, and meere 
motion, we have condiscended and granted, and by these 
Presents for Us, Our Heires and Successors doe con- 
discend, and grant to the said Governour, and Company 
of Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, 
and their Successors, that if at the end of the said terme 
of fifteene yeares, it shall seeme meete and convenient, to 
the said Governour and Company, or any the parties 
aforesaid, that this present Grant shall be continued, and 
if that also it shall appeare unto Us, Our Heires and 
If this Privi- Successors, that the continuance thereof shall not be pre- 
ledge be found judicial!, or hurtfuU to this our Realme, but that we shall 
unprofitable fj^^j jj^g ftjrther continuance thereof profitable for Us, Our 
iLn 'within^ Heires and Successors, and for Our Realme with such 
two yeares Conditions, as are herein mentioned, or with some altera- 
warning^ven tion or qualification thereof, that then We, Our Heires or 
under the Successors at the instance and humble Petition of the said 
nvy ,?<j^, Governour and Company, or any of them to be made 
the same shall -rr ^ tt • *^ 1 o ' -n 11 

bee voide, but ^i^to Us Our Heires and Successors will grant and make 

ifit shall bee unto the said Governour and Company, or any of them 
found bene- go suing for the same, and such other person and persons 
fiaal, then the q^j. Subjects, as they shall nominate and appoint, or shall 
renued with be by Us, Our Heires or Successors newly nominated not 
some additions, exceeding in number foure and twentie new Letters 
Patents, under the great Seale of England, in due forme 




of Law with like Covenants, Grants, Clauses, and Articles, 
as in these Presents are contayned, or with addition of 
eyther necessary Articles, or changing of these into some 
other parts, for and during the full terme of fifteen yeares 
then next following. Willing hereby, and streightly 
charging and commanding, all and singular Our Admirals, 
Vice-admirals, Justices, Maiors, SherifFes, Escheators, 
Constables, Bailiffes, and all and singular other Our 
Officers, Ministers, Leadgemen, and Subjects whatsoever 
to bee ayding, favouring, helping, and assisting unto the 
said Governour and Company, and to their Successors, 
and to their Deputies, Officers, Factors, Servants, Assignes 
and Ministers, and every of them in executing and enjoyn- 
ing the Premises, aswell on Land, as on Sea, from time to 
time, when you, or any of you shall thereunto be required, 
and Statute, Act, Ordinance, Proviso, Proclamation, or 
Restraint heretofore had, made, set forth, ordayned, or 
provided, or any other matter, cause, or thing whatsoever 
to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. Although 
expresse mention of the true yearly value, or certaintie of 
the Premises, or of any of them, or of any other Gifts, or 
Grants by us, or any of our Progenitors, to the said 
Governour and Company of Merchants of London, trad- 
ing into the East-Indies, or to any of them before this time 
made, in these Presents is not made, or any Statute, Act, 
Ordinance, Provision, Proclamation, or restraint, to the 
contrarie hereof heretofore had, made, ordayned, or pro- 
vided, or any other thing, cause, or matter whatsoever in 
any wise notwithstanding. 

In witnesse whereof we have caused these our Letters 
to be made Patents, Witnesse our selfe at Westminster, 
the one and thirtieth of December, in the three and 
fortieth yeare of Our Reigne. Per brevem Privato 


[Chap. in. 






Chap. III. 

The first Voyage made to East-India by Master 
James Lancaster, now Knight, for the Mer- 
chants of London, Anno 1600. With foure 
tall Shippes, (to wit) the Dragon, the Hector, 
the Ascension and Susan, and a Victualler 
called the Guest. 

§. I. 

The preparation to this Voyage, and what befell 
them in the way till they departed from 

He Merchants of London, in the yeare of 
our Lord 1 600. joyned together, and made 
a stocke of seventie two thousand pounds, 
to bee imployed in Ships and Merchan- 
dizes, for the discovery of a Trade in the 
East-India, to bring into this Realme, 
Spices and other Commodities. They 
bought foure great Ships to bee imployed in this Voyage : 
the Dragon, of the burthen of six hundred tunne, the 
Hector, of the burthen of three hundred tunnes, the 
148.] Ascention, of the burthen of two hundred and threescore 
tunnes. These ships they furnished with men, victuals 
and munition for twentie monethes, and sent in them, in 
Merchandise and Spanish money, to the value of seven 
and twentie thousand pounds : all the rest of their stocke 
was spent and consumed about the shippes, and other 
necessaries appertayning to them : with money lent to the 
Mariners and Saylers before-hand, that went upon the 

The Merchants were Suters to her Majestie, who gave 
them her friendly Letters of commendation, written to 
divers Princes of India, offering to enter into a league of 
Peace and Amitie with them, the Copies of which Letters 




shall hereafter appeare in their places. And because no 
great action can well be carryed, and accomplished without 
an absolute authoritie of Justice : Shee granted to the 
Generall of their Fleet Master James Lancaster, for his 
better command and government, a Commission of 
Martiall Law. 

The said Master James Lancaster the Generall, was 
placed in the Dragon, the greatest shippe being Admirall : 
Master John Middleton Captaine in the Hector, the Vice- 
admirall : Master William Brand chiefe Governour in the 
Ascention : and Master John Heyward in the Susan : and 
more in every of the said ships, three Merchants to succeed 
one the other, if any of them should be taken away by 

These ships were readie and departed from Wolwich in The thirteenth 
the River of Thames, the thirteenth of February after the "f February, 
English accompt, 1 600. with foure hundred and fourescore 
men in them. In the Dragon, two hundred and two men. 
In the Hector, an hundred an eight. In the Ascention, 
fourescore and two. And in the Susan, fourescore and 
eight. The Guest, a ship of a hundred and thirtie tunnes, 
was added as a Victualler. 

These ships stayed so long in the River of Thames, 
and in the Downes for want of wind, that it was Easter *jprU,i6oi. 
day before they arrived at Dartmouth, where they spent These places 
five or sixe dayes in taking in their bread and certaine other ^(''^ '^( 
provisions appointed for them. From thence they departed 'r"^^". 'J 
the eighteenth of Aprill, 1601. and road in Tor Bay, till if ^eaknesse 
the twentieth in the morning. While wee roade there, permitted not 
the Generall sent aboord all the shippes, instructions, for to double the 
their better company keeping, at their comming to the ^''/f' ^"l' 
Seas: and further gave directions, if any of the Fleet d^rd'cape 
should bee separated the one from the other, by stormes Samt Roman 
of wind, tempests, or other casualties, what * places to inMada- 
repaire unto, for their meeting together againe. g^'or, to 

The second of Aprill, 1601. the wind came faire and ^"sumZi" 
wee hoysed our Anchors, and departed out of Tor Bay, their first 
directing our course towards the Hands of the Canaria. place ofTrade. 



May thtfift. The wind holding faire, the fift of May in the morning, 
we had sight of Alegranza, the Northermost Hand of the 
Canarias, and directed our course betweene Forteventura, 
and the Grand Canaria : and comming to the South part 
of the Grand Canaria, thinking to water there, wee fell 
into the Calmes, which proceed by reason of the high-land 
that lyeth so neere the Sea-side. 

The seventh of May, about three of the clocke in the 
afternoone, wee departed from the Grand Canaria, having 
the wind at North-east, and we directed our course South- 
west by South, and South South-west, till wee came into 
2 1. J. degrees. From the eleventh to the twentieth, our 
course was for the most part South, till we came into 
eight degrees : the wind being alwayes Northerly, and 
North-east. In this heigth, we found the Calmes and 
contrarie winds, which uppon this Coast of Ginney, at 
this time of the yeare, are very familiar with many sudden 
gustes of wind, stormes, thunder and lightening, very 
fearefuU to be seene and dangerous to the shippes : unlesse 
a diligent care be had, that all sayles be stricken downe 
upon the sudden, perceiving the ayre never so little to 
change or alter. And yet many times, although the 
Masters of ships were careful!, and looked unto it with 
great diligence : the suddennesse was such, that it could 
hardly be prevented. From the twentieth of May, till 
the one and twentieth of June, wee lay the most part 
becalmed, and with contrarie winds at South, and turning 
up and downe with this contrary wind, with much adoe, 
we got into two degrees of the North side of the Line : 
where wee espyed a ship, to the which, the Generall gave 
chase, commanding all the rest of the ships to follow 
him : and by two of the clocke in the afternoone, we had 
fet her up and tooke her. She was of the Citie of Viana 
in Portugall, and came from Lisbone in the companie of 
two Carrackes, and three Gallions bound for the East- 
India, which ships she had lost at Sea. The three Gallions 
were ships of warre, and went to keepe the Coast of the 
East-India, from being traded with other Nations. 




Wee tooke out of her an hundred sixe and fortie Buts 
of Wine, an hundred threescore and sixteene Jarres of 
Oyle, twelve Barrels of Oyle, and five and fiftie Hogs- 
heads and Fats of Meale, which was a great helpe to us 
in the whole Voyage after. The Generall divided these 
Victualls indifferently to all the ships, to every one his 
proportion without partialitie. 

The last of June about mid-night, we doubled the Line, 
and lost the sight of the North-star, having the wind at 
South-east, and we held our course South South-west, 
and doubled the Cape of Saint Augustine some sixe and 
twentie leagues to the Eastwards. The twentieth of July, 
we were shot into nineteene degrees, fortie minutes to the 
Southward of the Line, the wind inlargcing daily to the 
East-ward. Here wee discharged the Guest, the ship that 
went a long with us to carry the Provisions, that our foure 
ships could not take in in England. After wee had dis- 
charged her, we tooke her Masts, Sayles and Yards, and [I- iii- 149-] 
brake downe her higher buildings for fire-wood, and so 
left her floting in the Sea : and followed our course to the 
South-ward. The foure and twentieth of July, we passed 
the Tropick of Capricorne, the wind being North-east 
by North, we holding our course East South-east. Now, 
by reason of our long being under the Line, (which pro- 
ceeded of our late comming out of England, for the time 
of the yeare was too farre spent by six or seven weekes, 
to make a quicke Navigation) many of our men fell sicke. 
Therefore the nine and twentieth of July being in 2 8. J. 
degrees, hee wrote a remembrance to the Governour of 
each ship, either to fetch Saldavia or Saint Helena for 

Thus following on our course, the first of August we August. 
came into the height of thirtie degrees. South of the 
Line : at which time we met the South-west wind, to 
the great comfort of all our people. For, by this 
time, very many of our men were fallen sicke of the 
Scurvey in all our ships, and unlesse it were in the Generals 
ship only, the other three were so weake of men, that 




they could hardly handle the sayles. This wind held faire, 
till wee came within two hundred and fiftle leagues of the 
Cape Buena Esperanza, and then came cleane contrarie 
against us to the East : and so held some fifteene or 
sixteene dayes to the great discomfort of our men. For 
now the few whole men we had, beganne also to fall sicke, 
so that our weaknesse of men was so great, that in some 
of the ships, the Merchants tooke their turnes at the 
Helme : and went into the top to take in the top-sayles, 
as the common Mariners did. But God (who sheweth 
mercy in all distresses) sent us a faire wind againe, so 
They arrive that the ninth of September wee came to Saldania, where 
at SoUama. ^.j^g General! before the rest bare in, and came to an anchor, 
and hoysed out his Boats to helpe the rest of the ships. 
For now the state of the other three was such, that they 
were hardly able to let fall an Anchor, to save themselves 
withall. The Generall went aboord of them, and carryed 
good store of men, and hoysed out their Boats for them, 
which they were not able to doe of themselves. And the 
reason why the Generals men stood better in health then 
The best tjie men of other ships, was this : he brought to Sea with 
IZfl/"'^''^ him certaine Bottles of the Juice of Limons, which hee 
gave to each one, as long as it would last, three spoonfuls 
every morning fasting : not suffering them to eate any 
thing after it till noone. This Juice worketh much the 
better, if the partie keepe a short Dyet, and wholly refraine 
salt meate, which salt meate, and long being at the Sea 
is the only cause of the breeding of this Disease. By this 
meanes the Generall cured many of his men, and preserved 
the rest : so that in his ship (having the double of men 
that was in the rest of the ships) he had not so many sicke, 
nor lost so many men as they did, which was the mercie of 
God to us aU. After the Generall had holpen the rest 
of the ships to hoyse out their Boats, they began all to 
be greatly comforted. Then, he himselfe went presently 
a-land to seeke some refreshing for our sicke and weake 
men, where hee met with certaine of the Countrey people, 
and gave them divers trifles, as Knives, and peeces of old 





Iron, and such like, and made signes to them to bring 
him downe Sheepe and Oxen. For he spake to them in 
the Cattels Language, which was never changed at the ^'*'; '"<"' 
confusion of Babell, which was Moath for Oxen, and Kine, ^^^^"f 
and Baa for Sheepe : which Language the people under- 
stood very well without any Interpreter. After hee had 
sent the people away very well contented with their pre- 
sents, and kind usage order was presently given, that 
certaine of every ships companie should bring their sayles 
a-land, and build Tents with them for their sicke men : 
and also to make fortifications of defence, if by any ^^fincf 
occasion the people should take any conceit of offence ^""""^'• 
against us, and thereby offer us any violence. And the 
Generall prescribed an order for buying and selling with 
the people, which was, that at such times as they should Manners of 
come downe with the Cattell, only five or sixe men, ^^ 'savaLs 
appointed for that purpose, should goe to deale with them 
and the rest (which should never bee under thirtie Muskets 
and Pikes) should not come neere the Market, by eight 
or ten score at the neerest : and alwayes to stand in their 
ranke in a readinesse, with their Muskets in their Rests, 
what occasion soever should befall. And this order was 
most strictly observed and kept, that no man durst once 
goe to speake with any of the people without speciall leave, 
and I take this to be the cause, why we lived in so great 
fi"iendship and ami tie with them, contrary to that which 
lately had befallen the Hollanders, which had five or six 
of their men slaine by their treacherie. 

The third day after our comming into this Bay of 
Saldania, the people brought downe Beefes and Muttons, 
which we bought of them for pieces of old Iron hoopes, 
as two pieces of eight inches a piece, for an Oxe, and one 
piece of eight inches for a Sheepe, with which they seemed 
to be well contented. Within ten or twelve dayes, we 
bought of them a thousand Sheepe, and two and fortie 
Oxen, and might have bought many more, if wee would. 
Now within twelve dayes they ceased to bring us any more 
Cattell, but the people many times came downe to us 



fl. iii. 150.] 
This Bay is in 
34. degrees 
South of the 

* Qualities of 
the people, and 
their difficult 

The healthful- 
nesse of this 


afterward, and when we made them signes for more 
Sheepe, they would point us to those wee had bought, 
which the Generall caused to be kept grazing upon the 
Hilles about our Tents, and was the cause (as we judged) 
they thought we would have inhabited there, and there- 
fore brought us no more. But (God be thanked) we were 
well stored to satisfie our need, and might then, very well 
forbeare buying. These Oxen are full as bigge as ours, 
and were very fat, and the sheepe many of them much 
bigger, but of a very hairie wooll, yet, of exceeding igood 
flesh, fat and sweet, and to our thinking, much better then 
our sheepe in England. The people of this place are all 
of a tawnie * colour, of a reasonable stature, swift of foot, 
and much given to picke and steale : their speech is wholly 
uttered through the throate, and they clocke with their 
tongues in such sort, that in seven weekes, which wee 
remained heere in this place, the sharpest wit among us, 
could not learne one word of their language : and yet the 
people would soone understand any signe wee made to 

While wee stayed heere in this Bay, wee had so royall 
refreshing, that all our men recovered their health and 
strength, onely foure or five excepted. But, before our 
conimirig in, and in this place, wee lost out of all our 
Ships one hundred and five men, and yet wee made 
account, wee were stronger at our departure out of this 
Bay, then wee were at our comming out of England, our 
men were so well inured to the Southerne Climates. 




§. II. 

Their departure from Saldania, and proceeding in 
their Voyage to Achen in Sumatra, with their 
trading at Saint Maries, Antongill, Nicubar : 
the strange Plant of Sombrero, and other 

He foure and twentieth of October, the Generall 1601. 
caused all our Tents to bee taken downe and our 
men to repaire aboord the Ships : and being fitted 

both of wood and fresh water ; The nine and twentieth of 
October, wee put to Sea, and went out by a small Hand, 
that lieth in the mouth of the said Bay : which is exceeding 
full of Seales and Pengwines, so that if there were no other 
refreshing, one might very well refresh there. Over the 
Bay of Saldania standeth a very high Hill, flat like a Table, 
and is called the Table : such another plaine marke to find 
an Harbour in, is not in all that Coast, for it is easie to 
be seene seventeen or eighteene leagues into the Sea. 

Sunday, the first of November in the morning, wee l^ovember. i. 
doubled the Cape of Buena Esperanza, having the wind '^/'^ff 
West North- West a great gale. 

The sixe and twentieth of November, wee fell with the Novemb. 26. 
Head-land of the Hand of Saint Laurence, somewhat to 
the East of Cape Sebastian, and being within five miles of 
the shoare, wee sounded, and found twenty five fathome : 
the variation of the Compasse, being little more or lesse 
sixteene degrees. For in an East and West course, the 
variation of the Compasse helpeth much, and especially in 
this Voyage. 

From the sixe and twentieth of November, till the 
fifteenth of December, wee plyed to the Eastward, the Decemb. 15. 
neerest our course wee could lie, alwayes striving to have 
gotten to the Hand of Cirne, which in some Cardes is lie ofCime, 
called Diego Rodriques, but wee found the wind alwaies "'. ^- ^'"^' 
after our comming to the Hand of Saint Laurence, at East, "S""- 
and East South-East, and East North-East, so that wee 




could not obtaine it : and to strive long in hope of change 
of windes wee could not, for now our men began againe 
to fall sicke of the Scurvy. Then, the Captaine or the 
Vice-Admirall called to the Generall, and thought it best 
to beare into the Bay of Antongile, and there to refresh 
our men with Oranges and Limons, to cleere our selves 
of this disease, which was by him and the whole counsell 
called for that purpose well approoved. 

The seventeenth of December, wee had sight of the 
Ilesof S.Mary Southermost part of the Hand of Saint Mary, and the next 
and S. Laur- j^y ^gg anchored betweene Saint Mary, and the great 
Hand of Saint Laurence : and sent our Boats aland to 
Saint Maries, where wee had some store of Limons and 
Oranges, which were precious for our diseased men, to 
purge their bodies of the Scurvy. Now, as we roade heere, 
buying Oranges and Limons, there arose upon us a very 
great storme, so that three of our Ships were put from 
their Anchors : but within some sixteen houres, the storme 
ceased, and the ships returned, and weighed their Anchors 
againe. The Generall thought it not good to make any 
longer stay there, seeing the uncertaintie of the weather, 
and that there was upon this Hand so little refreshing to 
be had : only these Orenges and Limons, a little Goates 
milke, and some small quantitie of Rice : we sawe onely 
one Cow, and that they drave away, assoone as they saw 
us come on Land. Seeing this place so dangerous to ride 
in, the Generall gave present order to sayle toward the 
Bay of Antongile, the time of the yeere being spent, the 
Easterly winds come against us, and our men sicke. 
People ofS. This Hand of S. Mary is high land, and full of woods, 

^"n- the people are blacke, very handsome and tall men, and 

of curled haire, onely before in their foreheads they stroke 
it up, as the women doe here in England : so that it 
standeth some three inches upright. They are wholly 
without apparell, onely their privy parts covered, they 
are very tractable to converse withall, yet seeme to be very 
valiant. The most of their food is Rice, and some Fish : 
yet at our being there, wee could buy but small store of 




Rice, for the time of their store was farre spent, and their 

Harvest was at hand. There are two or three watering 

places on the North part of this Hand : but none of them 

very commodious, yet with some travell there is water 

enough to be had. 

The twentie third of December, we departed from this [I- i"- 'S'-] 
Hand of S. Mary, and the twentie fift being Christmas ^^'^"'^- ^3- 
day, we came into the Baye of Antongill, and came to an '^j^ ^"^ f 
anchor in eight fathom water, betweene a small Hand, and " ""'^ " 
the Mayne, lying in the bottome of the Baye, a very good, 
and a safe roade. But, the best riding, is neerest under 
a small Hand, for the defence of the winde that bloweth 
there : for while we abode in this Baye, there blew an 
exceeding great storme, and those of our shippes, that 
road neerest the small Hand, beeing under the wind sped 
best : for two of our ships drove with three anchors ahead, 
the ground being Ozy, and not firme. At our going a 
land in the little Hand, we perceived by writing upon the 
rockes, of five Holland ships which had beene there, and 
were departed about two monethes before our comming 
in : and had had some sicknesse among their men, and had 
lost (as we perceived) betweene one hundred and fiftie, 
and two hundred men while they roade in that place. 

The next day after our comming to an anchor, we went 
a land to the Mayne Hand, where the people presently 
repaired to us, and made us signes of the five HoUand 
ships departed, and that they had bought the most part 
of their provision. Yet, they entred into barter with us, 
for Rice and Hennes, Oranges and Limons, and another 
fruit called Plantans, and held all at high rates, and brought 
but a pedlars quantitie. Our market was neere to a great 
river, into which we went with our boats, and some men 
that were appointed to be buyers, went ashore : the rest 
remained in the boates, alwaies readie with their weapons 
in their hands : and the boates some fifteene or twentie 
yardes off into the water, where the people could not wade 
to them : and were readie at all times (if they a shore had 
had any need) to take them in. So, we trifled off some 
n 401 2 



The zvant of 
this discretion 
in Virginia 
{whiles one 
out of need, or 
seeming boun- 
iie, would ^ve 
a greater price 
then another, 
to the Savages, 
for their com- 
modities) so 
heigthned the 
frizes, and 
made them 
their come, 
i^c. that it 
proved much 
hinderance to 
the Plantation. 
A Pinnace 


daies, before (as aforesaid) we could bring them to any 
reall trade : for all these people of the South, and East 
parts, are very subtill, and craftie, in their bartering, buying 
and selling, that unlesse you hold a neere hand with them, 
you shall hardly bring them to trade in any plaine sort. 
For, they will sift you continually to give a little more, 
and then, no man will sell without that price : so that you 
must not inlarge to any one, more then another : for, in 
so doing, all will have that price, or none. The Generall 
seeing this, commanded measures to be made of (almost) 
a quart, and appointed how many glasse beades should be 
given for every measure : and he that would not deale in 
this manner, should not deale at all. The like order was 
set downe for Oranges, Limons, and Plantans, how many 
for every beade, or else not. Our Merchants after a little 
holding off, consented, and our dealing was francke, and 
round, without any contradiction, or words. So, that 
while we abode heere, we brought 15. J. tunnes of Rice, 
fortie or fiftie bushels of their Pease, and Beanes, great 
store of Oranges, Limons, and Plantans, and eight Beeves, 
with many Hennes. While we roade in this Baye, we 
reared a Pinnace, which we brought in peeces in our 
shippes out of England : and cut downe trees, of which 
there were very great, and great store, which trees we 
sawed out in boordes, and sheathed her. This Pinnace 
was of some eighteene tunnes, and very necessary, and 
fit to goe before our shippes, at our comming into India. 
In the time we stayed heere, there died out of the Generalls 
shippe, the Masters Mate, the Preacher, and the Surgeon, 
with some tenne other common men. And out of the 
Viceadmirall there died the Master, with some other two. 
And out of the Ascention, by a very great mischance, were 
slaine the Captaine, and the Boatswaines mate. For, as 
the Masters Mate, out of the Generalls shippe was carried 
a land to be buried, the Captaine of the Ascention tooke 
his boate to goe aland to his buriall : and as it is the order 
of the sea, to shoote off certaine peeces of Ordnance at the 
buriall of any Officer, the Gunner of the Ordnance shotte 




off three peaces, and the bullets being in them, one stroke 

the Ascentions boate, and slue the Captaine, and the Boat- 

swaines Mate starke dead, so that they that went to see ^'^ f""'"'^ " 

the buriall of another, were both buried there themselves. '^'"S'^M""^ 

Those that died heere, died most of the Flux, which (in 

our opinion) came with the waters which we drunke : for 

it was the time of winter, when it rained very much, which 

caused great flouds to overflowe the Countrie : so that the 

waters were not wholsome, as in most places in these hot 

countries, they are not, in the times of their raines. This 

disease also of the Flux, is often taken, by going open, 

and cold in the stomacke, which our men would often doe 

when they were hot. 

We set saile out of this Baye the sixth of March, and 
held on our course toward the India, and the sixteenth we 
fell with an Hand called Rogue-Pize, which lyeth in lo.i-. "^^^ ^'^'.'f 
degrees, to the South of the Equinoctiall Line. To this ^"SM^-^^'"- 
Hand the Generall sent his boate, to see whether there 
were any safe riding for the shippes : but the boate (for 
the most part) found deepe water, where the shippes could 
not safely ride. As we coasted along this Hand it seemed 
very faire, and pleasant, exceeding full of foule, and Coco 
nut-trees : and there came from the land such a pleasant 
smell, as if it had beene a garden of flowers. And surely, 
if there be any good riding for shippes in this Hand, it 
must needes be a place of very great refreshing. For as 
our boates went neere the land, they saw great store of 
fish, and the foules came wondering about them in such 
sort, that with the Oares, wherewith the Mariners rowed, 
they killed many which were the fattest, and the best that 
we tasted all the voyage. And of these, there was such 
exceeding great abundance, that many more shippes then 
we had with us, might have refreshed themselves there- 

The thirtieth of March 1602. being in sixe degrees to [I. iii- 152.] 
the South of the Line, wee happened upon a ledge of L^°^- 
Rockes, and looking over-boord, and seeing them under j^^fg""*' 
the shippe about five fathome deepe, it much amazed us, 



The hie of 

Other Rocks. 

The lies of 


falling upon the sudden and unexpected. Then, as wee 
were presently casting about the ship, wee found eight 
fathome : and so held on our course East. One of our 
men, being in the top saw an Hand South-east of us, some 
five or sixe leagues off, being but low land : this we 
judged to be the Hand of Candu, although in our course 
we could not (by computation) find our selves so farre shot 
to the Eastward. Bearing on our course some thirteene 
or fourteene leagues, we fell upon another flat of Rockes, 
Then wee cast about to the Southward, and sayling some 
twelve leagues, found other Rockes : so that, proving 
divers wayes, wee found flats of Rockes round about us : 
and twentie and thirtie, and in some places, forty and fiftie 
fathome water in the middest of the flats. Here we were 
for two dayes and an halfe in exceeding danger, and could 
find no way to get out. But at last, wee resolved to seeke 
to the Northward, and in sixe degrees, fortie three minutes 
(God bee thanked) wee found sixe fathome water : the 
Pinnasse alwayes going before us, and sounding with 
commandement, to make signes what depth she had, that 
thereby we might follow her. Thus (thankes be to God) 
being delivered out of this pound, we followed our course 
with variable windes, till the ninth of May about foure of 
the clocke in the afternoone. At which time we had sight 
of the Hands of Nicubar, and bare in, and anchored on the 
North-side of the Channell. But the wind changing to 
the South-west, wee were forced to hoyse our Anchors, 
and to beare over to the South-side of the Channell : and 
so came to an Anchor, under a small Hand, that lyeth on 
the said shore. Here wee had fresh water, and some 
Coco Nuts, other refreshing wee had little. Yet the 
people came aboord our shippes in long Canoas, which 
would hold twentie men, and above in one of them : and 
brought Gummes to sell in stead of Amber, and there- 
withall, deceived divers of our men : For, these people 
of the East, are wholly given to deceit. They brought 
also Hennes and Coco Nuts to sell, but held them very 
deare : so that we bought few of them. We stayed here 




ten dayes, placing of our Ordnance, and trimming of our 
ships : because we would be in all readinesse at our arrival!, 
at our first Port, which we were not (now) farre from. 

The twentieth of Aprill, in the morning, we set saile to April 20. 
goe toward Sumatra, but the wind blew so hard at South, 
South West, and the Currant was against us, that we 
could not proceed : but beating up and downe, our ships 
fell into two leakes, so that wee were forced to goe to the 
Hand of Sombrero, some ten or twelve leagues to the The lie of 
Northward of Nicobar. Heere, we in the Admirall lost ^""'''rero. 
an anchor, for the ground is foule, and groweth full of 
counterfeit Corrall, and some Rockes : which cut our Cable 
asunder, so that we could not recover our anchor. 

The people of these Hands goe naked, having onely 
the privities bound up in a peece of Linnen cloath, which 
commeth about their middles like a girdle, and so betweene 
their twist. They are all of a tauny colour, and annoint 
their faces with divers colours ; they are well limmed, but 
very fearefiill : for, none of them would come aboord our 
Shippes, or enter into our Boates. The Generall reported, 
that he had seene some of their Priests, or Sacrificers, all 
apparelled, but close to their bodies, as if they had beene 
sewed in it : and upon their heads, a paire of homes 
turning backward, with their faces painted greene, blacke 
and yellow, and their homes also painted with the same 
colour. And behind them, upon their buttocks, a taile 
hanging downe, very much like the manner, as in some 
painted cloathes, we paint the Divell in our Countrey. 
He demaunding, wherefore they went in that attire, answer 
was made him, that in such forme the Divell appeared to 
them in their sacrifices : and therefore the Priests, his 
servants were so apparelled. In this Hand grow trees, Trees mf- 
which for their talnesse, greatnesse, and straightnesse, will fi"ij"fi'_ 
serve the biggest shippe in all our Fleete, for a maine """"^ 
Mast : and this Hand is fiill of those trees. 

Heere, likewise we found upon the sands, by the Sea A strange 
side, a small twigge growing up to a young tree, and ^''''"''• 
offering to plucke up the same, it shruke downe into the 



29. Of May 




ground : and sinketh, unlesse you hold very hard. And 
being plucked up, a great Worme is the roote of it : and 
looke how the tree groweth in greatnesse, the Worme 
diminisheth. Now, as soone as the worme is wholly 
turned into the tree, it rooteth in the ground, and so 
groweth to be great. This transformation was one of the 
strangest wonders that I saw in all my travailes. For, 
this tree, being plucked up little, the leaves stripped off, 
and the piU, by that time it was dry, turned into an hard 
stone, much like to white Corrall : so that this worme was 
twice transformed into different natures : Of these we 
gathered, and brought home many. 

§. III. 

Their entertainement and trade at Achen. 

He nine and twentieth of May, we set saile from 
this Hand of Sombrero, and the second of June, 
we had sight of the land of Sumatra, and the fifth 

of June we came to anchor in the Roade of Achen, some 
[I. iii. 153.] two miles off the Citie. Where we found sixteene or 
eighteene saile of shippes of divers Nations, some Gose- 
rats, some of Bengala, some of Calicut, called Malabares, 
some Pegues, and some Patanyes, which came to trade 

There came aboord of us two Holland Merchants, 
which had beene left there behind their shippes, to learne 
the language, and manners of the Country. These told 
us, we should be very welcome to the King, who was 
The Fame of desirous to intertaine strangers : and that the Queene of 
Q. Elizabeth. England was very famous in those parts, by reason of the 
warres, and great victories, which she had gotten against 
the King of Spaine. The same day, the Generall sent 
Captaine John Middleton, Captaine of the Vice-admirall, 
with foure or five Gentlemen, to attend upon him to the 
King : to declare unto him, that he was sent from the 
Generall of those shippes, who had a message, and a letter, 
from the most famous Queene of England, to the most 




worthy King of Achen, and Sumatra. And that it would y 
please his royall Majesty, to give to the said messenger, 
audience to deliver his message, and letter : with a suffi- 
cient warrant for the safety of him and his people, 
according to the law of Nations, holden in that behalfe. 
This messenger was very kindly entertained by the King, 
who when he had delivered his message, gladly granted 
his request, and communed with him about many ques- 
tions : and after, caused a royall banquet to be made him. 
And at his departure gave a robe, and a Tucke of Calico 
wrought with Gold, which is the manner of the Kings of 
this place, to those he will grace with his speciall favour. 
And withall, sent his commendations to the Generall, 
willing him to stay one day aboord his ships, to rest 
himselfe after his comming from the disquiet seas : and 
the next day to come a land, and have kind audience, and 
franke leave, with as great assurance, as if he were in the 
kingdome of the Queene his Mistris. And, if he doubted 
of any thing of this his royall word, such honourable 
pledges should be sent him, for his further assurance, as 
he should rest very well satisfied therewith. 

The third day, the Generall went a land very well 
accompanied, with some thirtie men or more, to attend 
upon him. And first at his landing, the Holland Mer- 
chants met him, and carried him home to their house, as 
it was appointed. For as yet, the Generall would make 
choyce of no house of his owne, till he had spoken with 
the King : but stayed at the Hollanders house, till a Noble 
man came from the King, who saluted the Generall very 
kindly, and declared, that he came from his Majestie, and 
represented his person. Then, he demaunded the Queenes 
letter of the Generall, which he refused to deliver : saying, 
he would deliver it to the King himselfe. For it was the 
order of Embassadours, in those parts of the world from 
whence he came, to deliver their letters to the Princes 
owne hands : and not to any that did represent the Kings 
person. So, he demaunded to see the superscription, 
which the Generall shewed him, and he read the same, 




The honor- 
able entertain- 
ment of the 
Generall by 
the King of 


and looked very earnestly upon the seale, tooke a note 
of the superscription, and did likewise write her Majesties 
name : and then, with courtesie tooke his leave, and 
repaired to the Court, to tell the King what had passed. 
Who presently sent sixe great Elephants, with many 
Trumpets, Drums, and Streamers, with much people, to 
accompany the Generall to the Court : so that the presse 
was exceeding great. The biggest of these Elephants was 
about thirteene, or foureteene foote high, which had a 
small Castle, like a Coach upon his back, covered with 
Crimson Velvet. In the middle thereof, was a great 
Bason of Gold, and a peece of Silke exceeding richly 
wrought to cover it : under which her Majesties letter 
was put. The Generall was mounted upon another of 
the Elephants : some of his attendants rode, others went 
a foote. But, when he came to the Court gate, there a 
Noble man stayed the Generall, tiU he had gone in, to 
know the Kings further pleasure. But, presently the said 
Nobleman returned, and willed the Generall to enter in. 
And when the Generall came to the Kings presence, he 
made his obeysance after the manner of the Country: 
declaring that hee was sent from the most mightie Queene 
of England, to congratulate with his Highnesse, and treat 
with him concerning a peace and amitie with his Majestie, 
if it pleased him to entertaine the same. And there- 
withall began to enter into further discourse, which the 
King brake off, saying : I am sure you are weary of the 
long travaile you have taken, I would have you to sit 
downe and refresh your selfe. You are very welcome, 
and heere you shall have whatsoever you will in any 
reasonable conditions demaund, for your Princesse sake: 
for she is worthy of all kindnesse, and franke conditions, 
being a Princesse of great Noblenesse, for Fame speaketh 
so much of her. The Generall perceiving the Kings mind, 
delivered him the Queenes letter, which he willingly 
received : and delivered the same to a Noble man standing 
by him. Then the Generall proceeded to deliver him his 
present, which was a Bason of Silver, with a Fountaine 




in the middest of it, weighing two hundred and five The Queenes 
ounces, a great standing Cup of Silver, a rich Looking- Presents sent 
Glasse, an Head-peece with a Plume of Feathers, a case '"^'^^^^ '"^ 
of very faire Dagges, a rich wrought embroidered Belt to 
hang a Sword in, and a Fan of Feathers. All these were 
received in the Kings presence, by a Nobleman of the 
Court : onely, he tooke into his owne hand, the Fanne of 
Feathers: and caused one of his Women to fanne him 
therewithal!, as a thing, that most pleased him of all the 
rest. The Generall was commanded to sit downe in the 
Kings presence, as the manner is, upon the ground : where 
was a very great banquet provided. All the dishes, in 
which the meate was served in, were, either of pure Gold, 
or of another Mettall, which (among them) is of great ^ mettall of 
estimation, called Tambaycke, which groweth of Gold and ^''Jf'^ esteeme, 
Brasse together. In this banquet, the King (as he sate ^ j^ 
aloft in a Gallery, about a fathome from the ground) [i. iii. 154..] 
dranke oft to the Generall in their Wine, which they call 
Racke. This Wine is made of Rice, and is as strong as 
any of our Aquavitae : a little will serve to bring one 
asleepe. The Generall, after the first draught, dranke 
either water mingled therewithal!, or pure water, the King 
gave him leave so to doe : for the Generall craved his -v 
pardon, as not able to drinke so strong drinke. After 
this feast was done, the King caused his Damosels to come 
forth, and dance, and his Women to play Musicke unto 
them : and these Women were richly attired, and adorned 
with Bracelets and Jewels : and this they account a great 
favoiir, for these are not usually seene of any, but such 
as the King will greatly honour. The King also gave unto 
the Generall, a fine white Robe of Calico, richly wrought 
with Gold, and a very faire girdle of Turkey worke, and 
two Creses, which are a kind of Daggers, all which a Noble 
man put on in the Kings presence : and in this manner 
he was dismissed the Court, with very great curtesies, 
and one sent along with him, to make choyce of an house 
in the Citie, where the Generall thought most meete. 
But, at this time he refused this kindnesse, and rather 




chose to goe aboord his Ships : and left the King to con- 
sider of the Queenes Letter, the tenor whereof, hereafter 
foUoweth. — 

Elizabeth by the grace of God, Queene of Eng- 
land, France and Ireland, defendresse of the 
Christian Faith and Religion. 

To the great and mightie King of Achem, &c. 
in the Hand of Sumatra, our loving Brother, 

THe eternal! God, of his divine knowledge and 
providence, hath so disposed his blessings, and good 
things of his Creation, for the use and nourishment of 
Mankind, in such sort : that notwithstanding they growe 
in divers Kingdomes, and Regions of the World: yet, 
by the Industrie of Man (stirred up by the inspiration of 
the said omnipotent Creator) they are dispersed into the 
most remote places of the universal! World. To the end, 
that even therein may appeare unto all Nations, his 
marvelous workes, hee having so ordained, that the one 
land may have need of the other. And thereby, not only 
breed intercourse and exchange of their Merchandise and 
Fruits, which doe superabound in some Countries, and 
want in others : but also ingender love, and friendship 
betwixt all men, a thing naturally divine. 

Whereunto wee having respect (Right noble King) and 
also to the honorable, and truly royall fame, which hath 
hither stretched, of your Highnesse humane and noble 
usage of Strangers, which repaire into that your Kingdome, 
in love and peace, in the Trade of Merchandise, paying 
your due Customes. Wee have beene mooved to give 
Licence unto these our Subjects, who with commendable 
and good desires, saile to visite that your Kingdome : 
Notwithstanding, the dangers and miseries of the Sea, 
naturall to such a Voyage, which (by the grace of God) 
they will make, beeing the greatest that is to be made in 




the World : and to present trafficke unto your Subjects. 
Which their offer, if it shall bee accepted by your High- 
nesse, with such love and grace, as wee hope for, of so 
great and magnanimious a Prince : Wee, for them, doe 
promise, that in no time hereafter, you shall have cause 
to repent thereof, but rather to rejoyce much. For their 
dealing shall be true, and their conversation sure, and wee 
hope, that they will give so good proofe thereof, that this . 
beginning shall be a perpetuall confirmation, of love 
betwixt our Subjects on both parts : by carrying from us, 
such things and merchandise as you have need of there. 
So that your Highnesse shall be very well served, and 
better contented, then you have heretofore beene with the 
Portugals and Spaniards, our Enemies : who only, and 
none else, of these Regions, have frequented those your, 
and the other Kingdomes of the East. Not suffering that 
the other Nations should doe it, pretending themselves to 
be Monarchs, and absolute Lords of all these Kingdomes 
and Provinces : as their owne Conquest and Inheritance, 
as appeareth by their loftie Title in their writings. The 
contrarie whereof, hath very lately appeared unto us, and 
that your Highnesse, and your royall Familie, Fathers, 
and Grandfathers, have (by the grace of God, and their 
Valour) knowne, not onely to defend your owne King- 
domes : but also to give Warres unto the Portugals, in 
the Lands which they possesse : as namely in Malaca, in 
the yeere of the Humane Redemption 1575. under the 
conduct of your valiant Captaine, Ragamacota, with their 
great losse and the perpetuall honour of your Highnesse 
Crowne and Kingdome. 

And now, if your Highnesse shall be pleased, to accept 
into your Favour and Grace, and under your royall Pro- 
tection and Defence, these our Subjects, that they may 
freely doe their businesse now, and continue yeerely here- 
after : This Bearer, who goeth chiefe of this Fleet of foure 
Ships, hath order (with your Highnesse Licence) to leave 
certaine Factors, with a setled House of Factorie in your 
Kingdome, untill the going thither of another Fleet, which 




shall goe thither upon the returne of this. Which left 
Factors, shall learne the Language, and customes of your 
Subjects, whereby, the better and more lovingly to con- 
verse with them. 

And the better to confirme this Confederacie, and 
Friendship betwixt us, wee are contented, if your High- 
nesse be so pleased, that you cause Capitulations reasonable 
[I. iii. 155.] to be made : and that this Bearer doe the like in Our name. 
Which wee promise to performe royally, and entirely, as 
well herein, as in other Agreements and Arguments which 
he will communicate unto you : to whom, wee doe greatly 
desire your Highnesse to give intire faith and credite, 
and that you will receive him, and the rest of his companie, 
under your Royall protection, favouring them in what 
shall be Reason and Justice. And we promise on our 
behalfe, to re-answer in like degree, in all that your 
Highnesse shall have need, out of these our Kingdomes, 
And wee desire, that your Highnesse would be pleased 
to send us answere, by this Bearer of this our Letter, that 
wee may thereby understand of your Royall acceptance 
of the Friendship and League, which wee offer, and 
greatly desire, may have an happie beginning, with long 
yeeres to continue. 

AT his next going to the Court, hee had long Con- 
ference with the King, concerning the effect of the 
Queenes Letter, wherewith the King seemed to be very 
well pleased, and said : if the contents of that Letter came 
from the heart, he had good cause to thinke well thereof. 
And, for the League, Her Majestie was desirous to hold 
with him, hee was well pleased therewith. And, for the 
further demands the Generall made from Her, in respect of 
the Merchants trafficke : he had committed all those points 
to two of his Noblemen, to conferre with him, and pro- 
mised, what Her Majestie had requested, should by all good 
meanes bee granted. With this contented answere, after 
another Banquet appointed for the General, he departed 
the Court. And the next day, he sent to those Noble- 



men, the King had named to him, to know their appointed 
time, when they would sit upon this Conference. The 
one of these Noblemen was the chiefe Bishop of the 
Realme, a man of great estimation with the King, and all 
the people : and so he well deserved, for he was a man 
very wise and temperate. The other was one of the most 
ancient Nobilitie, a man of very good gravitie : but, not 
so fit to enter into those Conferences as the Bishop was. 

A day, and a meeting was appointed, where many ques- 
tions passed betwixt them, and all the Conferences passed 
in the Arabicke Tongue, which both the Bishop and the 
other Nobleman well understood. Now, the Generall 
before his going out of England intertained a Jew, who 
spake that language perfectly, which stood him in good 
steed at that time. About many demands, the Generall 
made touching Freedomes for the Merchants, the Bishop 
said unto him : Sir, what reasons shall we shew to the 
King, from you, whereby he may (the more willingly) 
grant these things which you have demanded to be 
granted by him.? to whom the Generall answered with 
these reasons following. 

Her Majesties mutuall Love. 

Her worthinesse in protecting others against the King 
of Spaine the common Enemie of these parts. 

Her noble mind which refused the offer of those 

Nor will shee suffer any Prince to exceed her in kind- 

Whose Forces have exceeded the Spaniards in many 

And hindred the Portugals attempts against these 

The Grand-Signor of Turkie hath alreadie entred into 
League with her Majestie on honorable conditions. 

Reasons of another kind. 

Moreover, it is not unknowne to the King, what pro- 8. 
speritie, Trade of Merchandise bringeth to all Lands : 



Js the Turke 
hath his 
Mufti, so other 
Princes have 
their Chiefe 
Priests in all 
Countries of 

Great use of 
the Arabian 




with increase of their revenues, by the Custome of these 
■ = ' Commerces. 

9. Also Princes grow into the more renowme and strength, 
and are the more feared, for the wealth of their Subjects, 
which by the concurse of Merchandises grow and increase. 

10. And the more kindly that Strangers are entertained, the 
il more the Trade doth grow. The Prince is thereby much 
I' enriched also. 

11. And for Achem, in particular, this Port lieth well, to 
answere to the Trade of all, Bengala, Java, and the 
Moluccas, and all China. And these places having vent 
of their Merchandise, will not let to resort hither with 
them. So that, by this meanes, the royaltie of the Kings 
Crowne, will greatly increase, to the decrease, and dimin- 
ishing of all the Portugals Trade, and their great Forces 

\ in the Indies. 

'^ 12. And, if it shall happen, that his Majestic wanteth any 
Artificers, hee may have them out of our Kingdome, 
giving them content for their travaile : and free course to 
goe, as they have good will to come. And any other 
necessarie, that our Countrie bringeth forth, and may 
spare, shall be at the Kings command and service. 

But, I hope his Majestic will not urge any demands 
more, then her Majestic may willingly consent unto : or 
that shall be contrarie to her Honour and Lawes, and the 
League she hath made with all Christian Princes her 

Further, the Generall demanded, that his Majestie 
would cause present Proclamation to be made for our 
safetie, and that none of his people should abuse any of 
ours : but that they might doe their businesse quietly. 
And this last request was so well performed, that although 
there were a strict order, that none of their owne people 
might walke by night : yet ours, might goe both night 
and day, without impeachment of any. Onely, if they 
found any of ours abroad at unlawfuU houres, the Justice 
brought them home to the Generals house, and there 
delivered them. 


in Achen. 



After these conferences ended, the Bishop demanded of [I. iii. 156.] 
the Generall, notes of his reasons in writing, as also of 
his demands of the priviledges he demanded in her 
Majesties name for the Merchants, and hee would shew 
them to the King : and within few dayes, he should have 
his Majesties answere to them. And with these confer- 
ences, and much gratulation, and with some other talke of 
the affaires of Christendome : they broke up for that 

The Generall was not negligent, to send his demands 
to the noble men, which (for the most part) were drawne 
out before hand : for, he was not unreadie for these busi- 
nesses, before he came aland in the Kingdome. 

At his next going to the Court, and sitting before the 
King, beholdinsr the Cock-fighting: (which is one of the Cock-fighting 
greatest sports this Kmg delighteth m) hee sent his Inter- 
preter with his obeisance to the King, desiring him to be 
mindfull of the businesse, whereof hee had conferred with 
his Noblemen. Whereupon, he called the Generall unto 
him, and told him, that hee was carefuU of his dispatch : 
and would willingly enter into Peace and League with her 
Majestie, and (for his part) would hold it truely. And 
for those Demands and Articles, he had set downe in writ- 
ing, they should be all written againe, by one of his 
Secretaries, and should have them authorized by him. 
Which within five or six dayes, were delivered the Gene- 
rall, by the Kings owne hands, with many good and 
gracious words : the Tenor of which League and Articles 
of Peace, are too long to be inserted. According to their 
desires, was to the English granted. First, Free entry and 
trade. Secondly, Custome free, whatsoever they brought 
in, or carried forth : and assistance with their vessels and 
shipping, to save our ships, goods, and men from wracke 
in any dangers. Thirdly, Libertie of Testament to be- 
queath their goods to whom they please. Fourthly, 
Stability of bargaines and orders for payment by the sub- 
jects of Achen, &c. Fiftly, Authority to execute justice 
on their owne men offending. Sixtly, Justice against 




John Davis. 
This was his 
second voyage 
to the Indies. 
In the third 
with Sir E. 
Mich, he was 
slaine, as 
before is 

betwixt the 
Portugals and 
the King. 


injuries from the Natives. Seventhly, Not to arrest or 
stay our goods, or set prizes on them. Eightly, Free- 
dome of Conscience. 

This League of Peace and Amitie being setled, the 
Merchants continually went forward, providing Pepper 
for the lading of the ships : but there came in but small 
store, in respect of the last yeeres sterility. So by some of 
them he understood of a Port, about an hundred and 
fiftie leagues from thence, in the South part of the same 
Hand, called Priaman, where he might lade one of his 
smaller ships. Then he prepared the Susan, and placed 
for Captaine and chiefe Merchant in her, M. Henry 

He was also not a little grieved, that Captaine John 
Davis his principall Pilot, had told the Marchants before 
our comming from London, that Pepper was to be had 
here for foure Spanish royals of eight the hundred ; and it 
cost us almost twentie. The Generall, daily grew full of 
thought, how to lade his shippes to save his owne credit, 
the Merchants estimation that set him a worke, and the 
reputation of his Countrey : considering what a foule blot 
it would be to them all, in regard of the nations about 
us, seeing there were merchandise enough to be bought 
in the Indies, yet he should be likely to returne home with 
empty ships. 

Besides the Portugall Embassador had a diligent eye 
over every steppe we trode, but was no whit accepted of 
the King. For the last day of his beeing at the Court, 
he had demanded of the King, to settle a Factorie in his 
Countrey, and to build a Fort at the comming in of the 
Harbour : his reason was, for the more securitie of the 
Marchants goods, because the City was subject to fire. 
But the King perceiving what he meant, gave him this 
answer backe againe : Hath your Master (saith he) a 
Daughter to give unto my Sonne, that he is so carefrill of 
the preservation of my Countrey? He shall not neede 
to be at so great a charge, as the building of a Fort : for 
I have a fit house about two leagues from this Citie, 




within the Land, which I will spare him to supply his 

Factorie withall : where they shall not need to feare either 

enemies or fire, for I will protect him. Hereupon the 

King was much displeased at this insolent demand : and 

the Embassadour went from the Court much discontented. 

§. IIIL 

Portugall wiles discovered, a Prize taken neere 

Hortly after this, there came to our house, an Portugal 
Indian (to sell Hennes) which was appertaining to '"''f^^^" 
a Portugall Captaine, who came to that Port with 
a Ship laden with Rice, out of the Port of Bengala. This 
Captaine lay in the Embassadors house, and the Generall 
mistrusted, he came only for a Spy to see, and perceive 
what we did : and yet he gave commandement, he should 
be well intreated, and they should alwayes buy his 
Hennes, and give him a reasonable price for them. At 
last, he himselfe tooke occasion, pleasantly to commune 
with the Indian, whence hee was, and of what Countrey ; 
saying, A young man of his presence, merited some better 
meanes thexi buying and selling of Hennes. Sir, said he, 
I serve this Portugall Captaine, yet am neither bound, nor 
free : but beeing free borne, I have beene with him so long 
time, that now he partly esteemeth me as his owne : and 
so great they are, that wee cannot strive with them. 
Then said the Generall unto him ; If thy liberty be pre- 
cious unto thee, thy person meriteth it. But what 
wouldst thou doe for him, .that would give thee thy 
libertie without pleading with thy Master for it.'' Sir, [I. iii. 157,] 
said the Indian, Freedome is as precious as life, and my 
life I would adventure for him that should do it. Proove 
me therefore in any service that I can doe for you, and 
my willingnesse shall soone make good what I have said. 
Well, said the Generall, thou hast willed me to proove 
whether thou meanest truely, or no. I would aske of thee. 
What the Embassador saith of me, and my shipping which 

II 417 3P 



I have in this place; and what pretences he hath? Sir, 
A Spy fir the gaid the Indian, he hath had a Spie aboord of all your 
coz>'"^d "' Ships, a Chinese, who is continually conversant with your 
people : so that he hath a draught drawne, not onely of 
your ships, and their greatnesse ; but also of every Piece 
of Ordnance that each ship hath, and how they are placed, 
and the number of your men that are in them. And he 
findeth your ships strong, and well appointed ; But by 
reason of the sickenesse that hath been in them, they are 
but weake of men, and easie to be taken, if any force 
come upon them on the suddaine : and within few dayes, 
he meaneth to send his draughts to Malacca, for force to 
attempt your ships as they ride. The Generall laughed 
pleasantly to heare these things, saying ; The Embassa- 
dor was not so idle as he thought him : for hee well 
knoweth (said he) that I care little for all the forces of 
these parts. It is but to make thee, and the rest that are 
about him beleeve, that you are stronger then you be. 
But goe thy way, and be here once in a day or twaine, 
and tell me whether the Embassadour goe forward in his 
proceedings, and when those Messengers shall depart with 
the plots thou speakest of. And although it will benefit 
me little to know these things, yet I will give thee thy 
libertie for thy good will thou shewest therein, as I have 
promised thee to doe. This Indian went away very well 
contented, as any man might easily perceive by his coun- 
tenance, and the lightnesse of his pace. Now, when he 
was gone, the Generall turned about, and said to me: 
We have met with a fit man to betray his Master, if we 
can make any benefit of the treason. And surely, he 
; ■ was not deceived in his opinion : for by this meanes, 

whatsoever the Embassadour did all the day, we had it 
either that night, or (at the fbrthest) the next day in the 
morning. And this Fellow carried the matter so warily, 
that he was neither mistrusted of any of the Embassadors 
house, nor knowne to any of ours, what businesse he went 
about. For he had the right conditions of a Spie, being 
wily, fearefuU, careful), subtil], and never trusting any to 




heare what conference he had with the Generall : but 
delivered his minde unto him alone, and that in such care- 
lesse sort, as if hee had answered the Generall idlely, what- 
soever he demanded of him : for he stood in feare of our 
owne people, least they would bewray the selling of his 
Hennes, which covered all his comming and going to our 

The next day, the Generall was sent for to the Court, The fines of 
and the King had conference with him, about an Embas- ' "^^ ^ 
sage that the King of Siam had sent him touching the con- 
quest of Malacca : and with what force he would assist 
him by Sea, if he undertooke that service. For this King 
of Sumatra, is able to put a very great force of Gallies to 
Sea, if he may have but some foure or five moneths 
warning before-hand, to make them ready. This confer- 
ence the Generall furthered with many reasons, and tooke 
an occasion to enter into talke of the Spanish Embassa- 
dour, how insolently proud he carried himselfe : and that 
his comming into his Majesties Kingdome and Court, 
was for no other purpose, but onely as a Spie, to see and 
discover the strength of his Kingdome. I know it well 
(said the King,) for they are enemies of mine, as I have 
beene to them : but what causeth thee to see this } The 
Generall answered him ; That he could take nothing in 
hand, but his Spies iattended upon him, to marke what he 
went about, and to what ende. And among other things 
(saith he) he had taken a draught of his ships, and 
meaheth to send it to Malacca : and to procure forces to 
set upon him at unawares. The King smiled to heare the 
Genferail mention theSe ' things, and said ; Thou needest 
not feare any strength that shall come from Malacca : for 
all' the' strength they have there, is able' to doe thee no 
harftie. ' The Generall answered, I doe not ' (said he) 
feare their strength, what they Can doe to me : but it may 
be much to my hinderan'ce, that they understanding the 
time I meane to goe to Sea, they shall thereby bee advised 
tokeepe themselves within their Ports, so that I shall not 
be able to offend them. Is it so, said the King.? Yea, 




said the Generall, and therefore I would intreat your 
Majestic, to make stay of two of the Embassadors ser- 
vants that are now going to Malacca, within these few 
dayes, who take not their passage from hence : but wiU 
goe to another Port of yours, and there hire a Barke^ to 
transport them thence, because they will be sure not to be 
intercepted. And if your Majestic intercept them there, 
you shall be privy to some of their plots and pretences. 
Well, said the King, let me understand of their departure 
from hence, and thou shalt sec what I will doe for thee. 
So, the Generall tooke his leave of the King, well con- 
tented, and had daily conference with his Merchant that 
sold Henncs: so that there was not anything done, or 
said in the Embassadors house, but he was privy to it. 

Now the time was come, that the Embassadors two 
servants were to depart with their plots, and their Masters 
Letters : and they went down to a Port about five and 
twentic leagues from Achen. But the Generall was not 
slacke to advise the King thereof, who had given order 
before : so that at their comming thither, and when they 
had hired their passage, and had imbai-ked themselves with 
all their Letters, and were going over the Barre, a mile from 
the Citie, a Frigget went after them, and caused the Barke 
[I. iii. 158.] to strike saylc, that the Justice might sec, what their lading 
was. And when the Justice came aboord, and saw two 
Portugals there, he asked them from whence they came, 
and whether they were going : they answered. They came 
from Achem, and belonged to the Portugall Embassadour. 
Nay, said the Justice, but you have robbed your Master, 
and runne away like theeves with his goods : and there- 
fore I will returne you againc to him, from whom you 
are fled, and there you shall answer it. But in this 
hurly-buriy, and searching of them, they lost their plots, 
and their letters, and their Trunkes were broken open : 
and they sent to Achem, bound backe againe to the Court, 
to be delivered to the Embassador, if they did belong 
unto him. The Generall had some intelligence of these 
things, and the next time he came to the Court, the King 




called him unto him, and said: Now what sayest thou, 
art thou contented? The Generall made him obeisance, 
and gave him humble and heartie thanks for his clemencie, 
and kindnesse towards him : and with some other con- 
ference, the Generall departed for that time. The Mar- 
chant of Hennes came daily following his Merchandize, 
and as the Generall suspected, and he himselfe afterward 
confessed, not without his Masters consent ; to advise 
from us, as well as